The 14th Summit Meet of the SAARC countries held in New Delhi recently was important in many respects. For the first time since its inception in 1985, SAARC has added an additional member to its fraternity - Afghanistan. Also, for the first time, there were five observers, mostly representing great powers. It was decided to invite Iran to join as an observer in the next summit. However, the most important issue perhaps was the demand by Pakistan, Nepal and Bangladesh to include China, presently an observer, as a full-fledged member. This brings under focus two issues: Should SAARC expand further, and should this include China as a member?

Expansionary politics in SAARC has emerged just when the organisation seems to be making some functional progress. SAFTA has become operational and substantial progress has been achieved in improving intra-regional trade, and in project-based cooperation in the form of the proposed South Asian University, an Arbitration Council, Food Bank and Development Bank for SAARC. However, SAARC has still far to go be a successful organization like the European Union (EU) and ASEAN. Witness for example, the low level of intra-SAARC trade at 5 percent compared to 55 percent in EU and 26 percent in ASEAN. For much of its existence, SAARC has been struggling to overcome the political differences among its member states, Pakistan's intransigence over the Kashmir issue and the smaller countries' artificial constructs about India's 'big brother' attitude. The success of regional organisations in other parts of the world notwithstanding, it took a long time for SAARC to come out of its 'declaratory' phase and seek economic and functional cooperation.

Unlike other regional groupings, SAARC is relatively young and, therefore, far from achieving its vision of a better life for South Asian people. Consolidation and not expansion, is therefore, the solution to SAARC's experimentation towards being a successful regional group. The SAARC vision for a South Asian Economic Union and South Asian Community would become a reality only if strict benchmarks are applied in any expansion plan. Apart from geographical proximity, Afghanistan has historical, cultural and political lineages much similar to the rest of South Asia. Membership of SAARC has ended Afghanistan's search for identity among West Asian and Central Asian groupings, even though its domestic problems would only add to SAARC agenda.

            Could China then be a member of SAARC just because it has geographical proximity to SAARC countries? China is not part of South Asia, either geographically, historically or culturally; rather it belongs to East Asia. If the logic is to make SAARC more relevant, then there are more reasons why China would push it towards irrelevance! First, with geographical overstretch, SAARC would become a contradiction of sorts. China's territorial stretch is more than twice the combined territory of South Asia. Second, with the inclusion of China, issues may no longer be South Asia-centric. Extra-regional issues and pulls and pressures will only open a Pandora's Box. Third, it has been China's policy to contain India within South Asia through various levels of relationships with the countries in the subcontinent. With China getting a new platform to play the game of a regulator, the balance of power could change within the SAARC. India's leadership and initiative within SAARC, whatever little there is, would be diluted. An enduring rivalry between the two Asian giants would only derail or slow down SAARC objectives.

SAARC can take a cue from ASEAN that has resisted any expansion beyond its geographical contours. Instead, outside powers have been engaged by ASEAN though the mechanism of sectoral and full dialogue partnership at ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). This has helped ASEAN in engendering new sets of confidence-building measures (CBMs) with all major powers while retaining the initiative in its own hands. While there exists many other models of regional cooperation, SAARC could emulate ASEAN and adopt the same scheme with countries like China or for that matter other observers in the group. Specific issues could be identified where SAARC countries can benefit from and cooperate with the observers. Poverty alleviation, for example, could be one area where China could provide a lesson or two. Similarly, the dormant ideas of sub-regional cooperation in India's northeast in association with China and some other countries could be revived and concrete action formulated. The stakes would be small and, therefore, the benefits more visible.

Any regional organization should aim to promote common consciousness, identity and communitarian feelings within that region. The same is true of South Asia. SAARC, despite all the hype, still suffers from a high level of institutional immaturity and trust deficit. That probably explains why Pakistan, Nepal and Bangladesh want China as a full fledged member of SAARC. However, the collective interests of South Asia can be secured only if SAARC consolidates on functional gains rather than fictional gains through unwarranted membership expansion.

Note: The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not reflect those of the Government.