6 December 2005 ushered in a new exciting development for India. In Jeju (South Korea), India formally joined six other members - the US, Russia, the EU, Japan, South Korea and China - in the $12 billion International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER) nuclear venture, the scientists' version of the Sun on earth. The ITER, finally agreed upon to be constructed in Cadarache, France, would be the first fusion device to produce thermal energy for mankind, thereby allying global energy concerns to face the dwindling supply of fossils fuels. Indian participation in this global project is not solely energy-specific. It associates with strategic issues, i.e., growing Indo-US ties and acceptance of India's nuclear status and capability by the international community.

From the energy security viewpoint, the ITER will go a long way to mitigate India's energy constraints. Currently, India heavily depends on external energy sources, especially the West Asian region, which is politically sensitive. Finding an alternative source which is plentiful, safe¸ environment-friendly and reliable is a long pending challenge before all nations. India's joining the exclusive nuclear group provides some hope. Contrary to arguments in favour of investments in the fields of conventional technologies - solar, wind, biomass, etc - the investment in ITER is gainful in the long run. It is because, apart from the ITER's international leverages, it will provide a larger source of energy which is reliable, environment-friendly and cost effective.

The strategic linkages of India joining the exclusive nuclear energy club can be traced to the July 18 Agreement between India and the US. The agreement clearly showed the US's support to India's nuclear interests, including the ITER. Though US cooperation with India in the civilian nuclear sector signaled an upward trajectory in Indo-US relations, yet there are certain realities underlying this bonhomie. India wants to be the regional power in South Asia; the US wants to contain China's economic and military ascendancy. So the stage is set for the mutual cooperation, no despite its ramifications for the global nuclear and missile nonproliferation regime. Obviously, the growing relations between the two countries has placed China on the defensive apparent from the Chinese dissatisfaction with the US briefing to NPT members and its allies in the Nuclear Suppliers' Group (NSG) about the US pact with India. China has reiterated the sanctity of the UN resolution 1172 which calls on India (and Pakistan) to give up its nuclear weapons programme and join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as a non-nuclear weapon state.

It is worth to mentioning that India got the ITER membership with the full support of the US in the face of opposition from Japan, South Korea and some member countries of the EU who questioned India's NPT status. By lending support to India in the nuclear area, the US has committed itself to help India achieve energy security. However, this American policy is intricately related to the Iran-India gas pipeline, a major concern for the US. The US is not comfortable with the trilateral pipeline initiatives, because anything that erodes Iran's diplomatic and economic isolation is not acceptable to the US. Instead, it is encouraging both India and Pakistan to consider an alternative gas line from Turkmenistan. By supporting India's membership to the multi-billion dollar nuclear fusion energy experiment, the US will certainly demand that India backs away from the tripartite gas pipeline project, and pressure can be mounted via the US-India Energy Dialogue, an offshoot of the 18 July Agreement.

India's entry into the ITER is a clear indication of its global acceptance as a responsible nuclear power; in other words as the sixth atomic power in the world. The nuclear isolation (even after 18 July Agreement), which India to faced after the nuclear tests in May 1998 has finally come to an end with the country joining the ITER. Those who were upping the ante in opposing the Indo-US nuclear deal will now have to work with India to achieve this ambitious nuclear project. Besides, India's entry will certainly boost its national fusion programme. Though Indian research groups have already designed and fabricated two tokamak devices, Aditya, and the steady state superconducting tokamak, SST 1, India will learn all aspects of the technology rapidly and by joining ITER. At the same time it can hope to have its own reactors ready by 2030 or 2035, saving thereby about two decades of work.