Just when China and India were nurturing their bilateral bonhomie, the month-old Tibet uprising seems to have derailed the progress made during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to China in January. Whatever be the reasons, India is feeling the effects of the Tibetan resistance. One only has to visit New Delhi's Chankyapuri area to see more than 200 Delhi Police personnel providing round-the-clock security to the Chinese embassy.

Tibet has traditionally engendered a variety of emotions in India, ranging from romanticism to frustration. The Buddhist connection with Tibet explains the Indian empathy for the Tibetans, who are spread all over the country. If Tibetans have managed to live over the last fifty years in India without evoking any major protests, it is partly due to the fact that they are treated like any other Indian community. At the same time, there is a general frustration over the treatment meted out to them in their homeland by the Han Chinese. This was apparent when many political parties sympathised with the Tibetan movement during their present uprising.

Officially however, India has trodden a measured path on the Tibet issue. Beginning with the 1954 Treaty, India has gradually yielded space to China and has reiterated, time and again, that Tibet is an autonomous part of China. This has not stopped China, however, from suspecting India's intentions, particularly on the Dalai Lama issue, who was given refuge in India, along with his followers, on humanitarian grounds. Some experts have alleged that India has pursued a dual policy on Tibet, which is an exaggeration. India has prevailed on the Tibetans living in India to desist from engaging in anti-China political activities.

Nevertheless, there is space to reorient India's Tibet policy to satisfy its own domestic constituents while keeping its northern neighbour in good humour. This is required, more so, since the Tibetan movement is moving in a violent direction, a trend that is likely to become permanent after the demise of the present Dalai Lama. The new generation in Tibet is running out of patience and has little faith in the non-violent approach of the Dalai Lama. Once known for their pacifist culture, Tibetans are now converting to terrorism. There are apprehensions that Tibetans might resort to coordinated sabotage activities, including suicide attacks, in the run-up to the Beijing Olympics.

India will lose a moral opportunity if it ignores the current impasse in Tibet. The country report on human rights practices published by the US State Department in March this year, points out that human right violations are on the rise in Tibet, with an increase in torture, arrests and detentions. Outsmarted by the Hans, who have altered the demographic composition of Tibet, the Tibetans are living in deprivation and despair. India cannot remain oblivious to the repercussions on the Tibetans in India. Witness, the large number of protests movements in various corners of India against Chinese repression in Tibet that may increase Sino-Indian mistrust on Tibet.

The uprisings in Tibet have created a conflict zone close to India. The Tibetan community in India maintains close liaison with those inside Tibet. If and when a conflict flares up in Tibet, India may have to pay a price for hosting the Tibetans. For over fifty years, India has been their gracious host, often causing consternation to China and jeopardizing the bilateral relationship. India cannot escape its responsibility to ensure a just and honourable return of these people to their homeland.

Strategic considerations also warrant that India takes the Tibet issue seriously. The economic development in Tibet notwithstanding, China is consolidating its reach through its western strategy by methodically developing roads, railways and other infrastructural factors. There is talk of bringing these facilities right up to Nepalese cities.

Perhaps it is time that India, without confronting China or adopting a timid approach, devises a proactive Tibet policy. The Tibetans have given up the demand for independence and are merely seeking 'genuine autonomy.' In many ways, China is also speaking of 'autonomy.' India can reinvent the Nehruvian wheel and facilitate the meeting of two parties. India must emphasize upon China to engage the Tibetans in a dialogue on a regular basis and negotiate a mutually agreed autonomy model. There are, after all, several autonomy models being practiced all over the world. China may resist the idea but then India will only be 'facilitating' and not mediating. This is the minimum India can do for the Tibetans.

Note: The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the Government of India.