Islamic Fundamentalism in Bangladesh: Domestic and International Ramifications

21 May, 2002    ·   752

Saswati Chanda and Alok Kumar Gupta contend that Fundamentalism, if unchecked, could make the country a haven for fundamentalist militants
Saswati Chanda
The Bangladeshi Prime Minister, Begum Khaleda Zia, in her 10 April 2002 address to Parliament, has accused the opposition Awami League (AL) led by Sheikh Hasina of sponsoring the cover story in Far Eastern Economic Review highlighting the rising Islamic Fundamentalism in Bangladesh, as being largely responsible for tarnishing Bangladesh’s image as a moderate Muslim country. This has led to increased international attention and pressure by international donors. During their annual Paris meeting in March 2002, they attached conditionalities linking future development-aid to improvement in the law and order situation. This is a cause for concern, given Bangladesh ’s dependence on external aid. 

 

 

The international community had not paid much attention, often downplaying the threats in Bangladesh , due to the following reasons:

 

 

·     A neutral caretaker government was in power during the September 11 terrorist attacks;

 

                 

 

·     These attacks were condemned by both the major political parties, Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and the AL;

 

                   

 

·  Bangladesh offered its airspace to US warplanes and promised its cooperation and support.

 

                   

 

The growth of Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh has been insidious. Despite Mujib’s emphasis on the four cardinal principles of nationalism, socialism, secularism and democracy, religious politics had emerged during his tenure in office; this increased significantly during the Zia era and gained complete ascendancy after Ershad came to power.

 

 

By Proclamation Order No.1, the phrase “Bismillah-Ar-Rahiman-Ar-Rahim” (in the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful) was inserted in the preamble of the Constitution during the Zia regime in 1977. The second paragraph of the Preamble was rewritten, inserting the clause, “absolute trust in the Almighty Allah”. Clause 1 A was added to Article 8 in the chapter on ‘Fundamental principles of State policy,’ stating that “Absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah shall be the basis of all actions”. Article 12 of the 1972 constitution was deleted which protected secularism/freedom of religion and clause 2 was added to Article 25 declaring that, “the State shall endeavor to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity”. 

 

 

The Proclamation Order was followed by lifting of the ban invoked by Mujib on five religious parties (Muslim League, Islamic Democratic League, Khilafat-e-Rabbani, Nizam-e-Islam and Jamaat-e-Islami). The Jamaat (the leading religious political party advocating Islamic ideals and Islamic way of life) reorganized itself under the aegis of Ghulam Azam. The BNP under Zia tried to retain a secular image whilst promoting Bangladeshi nationalism and accommodating pro-religious forces – self-contradictory goals.

 

 

The Ershad regime completed this Islamization process through the Eighth constitutional amendment in June 1988 declaring ‘Islam as the State religion’. State patronage to Islamic fundamentalism increased, evident from the proliferation of religious parties, further reorganization and strengthening of the Jamaat (whose main support base is students) and the emergence of a strong nexus between the armed forces and the religious groups/parties.

 

 

The fifth parliamentary elections in 1991 witnessed the victory of the BNP led alliance – this included the Jamaat, whose seats helped government formation. The election campaign and voting pattern in the eighth parliamentary elections held on 1 October 2001 reflected a massive communalization of Bangladesh politics in sharp contrast to the seventh parliamentary elections of June 1996. The BNP and its ally, Jamaat, were propounding the need for Islam and the Islamic way of life to be the state’s guiding principle, and promoting the ideals advocated by Osama bin Laden, as this would provide economic spin-offs.

 

 

The victory of the BNP-led four-party alliance (214 seats) with Jamaat (17 seats), resulted in the Jamaat securing the key portfolios of agriculture and social welfare, emphasizing its importance in a predominantly agricultural country. A major reason for the Jamaat’s victory was the sermons preached by imams in Bangladesh ’s mosques after September 11 eulogizing the role of Osama bin Laden, criticizing the ongoing crusade against Islam. In a quiet takeover, the majority of the mosques are with the Jamaat. 

 

 

Whilst the Jamaat is cautiously moving towards the goal of an Islamic state, its inclusion within the government has encouraged the other more extreme fundamentalist groups like the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami. The linkages of the Harkat group with banned Islamic militant outfits like the Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Toiba, groups operating in the Middle-East, the Rohingyas, groups in Kashmir , in Chechnya , and Muslim radicals from Malaysia and Indonesia suggests that Bangladesh could become the breeding ground and safe haven for religious militants of all nations. 

 

 

The emerging situation demands responsible behaviour and stringent action being taken by Bangladesh , but also collaborative efforts by the BNP, the AL as well as the Jamaat to refrain from engaging in destructive confrontational politics and agitational rhetoric. 

 

 

 

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