The Peace Process in Sri Lanka: Democratic Pluralism in Peril?

06 May, 2002    ·   743

Nisheetha Subes voices concern over the forced silence of moderate democratic Tamil politics due to various reasons


The current peace process in Sri Lanka started with hype but hope. The removal of security restrictions led to free movement of men and materials and created a sense of relief in the minds of the Tamils. However, these peace efforts have only provided an elusive peace in the past for two reasons. One, despite all Tamil parties being involved, they were not actively drawn in. Two, the intransigence of the LTTE and its quest for sole representation rendered all other parties ineffective. The LTTE has, in effect, become the sole representative of the Tamils in Sri Lanka . The questions that arise are: 

 

 

·                     Has the LTTE achieved this position through consensus or coercion? 

 

                  

 

·                     How did the Tamil parties come under the influence of the LTTE? 

 

                   

 

·                     What is the future of the Tamil parties? 

 

                 

 

·                     Would it be possible for them to raise their voice again, or would they be forever silenced?

 

                

 

There are three major factors to explain this situation: (a) callousness of the state towards the democratic voice of the Tamils, (b) annihilation of voices of dissent by the LTTE, and (c) disarray of the Tamil parties. 

 

 

Firstly, the rise of Tamil militancy was the direct outcome of the majoritarian policies of the Sri Lankan state, which has increased the security threat and economic crises over the last two decades. Despite this, the state opted for a military solution rather than concede to the democratic demands of the moderate Tamil parties. Though moderate parties made repeated efforts for a negotiated settlement, they were thwarted by the state. The Bandarnaike-Chelvanayakam Pact of 1958, Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact of 1967, the District Development Council system of 1981 and the Provincial Council system of 1987 were half-hearted efforts made by the regime, only to satisfy the Sri Lanka Aid Consortium and the international community. The one-year exercise of the Parliamentary Select Committee 1992 and the seven years exercise of a ‘Devolution Package’ by the PA government were intended to assuage the Sinhalese hardliners. This attitude of the state only revealed its ‘too little too late’ tactics. As a result, (i) Tamil parties were frustrated and lost trust in the state; (ii) became voiceless and ineffective in the eyes of the people; and (iii) enhanced the LTTE’s ability to gain recognition among the Tamils.

 

 

Secondly, the paradoxical nature of Tamil politics in the island highlights that the ‘oppressed’ become the ‘oppressors’; the LTTE emerged to fight the oppression of the state, but it turned into an oppressor instead. Many other militant organisations have fought for a separate state since 1983. However, the LTTE marginalized all these groups and declared itself to be the sole representative of the Sri Lankan Tamils by end 1986.  It also denounced these organisations as traitors and eliminated any voices of dissent. 

 

 

Thirdly, these limitations of the political process necessitate a unified programme of action to address the Tamil plight. Since all the militant groups wanted to achieve a separate state, they did not have any specific policy or program when they became mainstream political parties. Even though they want devolution of power, they do not have the will or ability to educate and mobilise the masses about their cause. They are scared that they might lose the votes of the LTTE supporters if they talk against a separate state.

 

 

All these parties have to compete within a small electorate for their power and existence; therefore they are hesitant to provide a strong or real representation to the people. Many of them fear that it would be risky to oppose the LTTE. Some parties operate under an understanding with the state i.e., the military, in different districts. They fear that others would share their support base in a united political setup. Hence, the efforts in the past to evolve a unified democratic alternative sought by parties like the EPRLF, have failed. All these factors have contributed to the disarray among Tamil political parties. 

 

 

Appreciating the marginalising of Tamil representation in Parliament, due to the split in votes in a system of proportional representation, coupled with the neglect of democratic parties by the state had brought four Tamil parties together last year. They denounce the LTTE as their sole representative and propose a negotiated settlement. Their intention is to stop war, push both warring parties towards a sustainable solution and bring the LTTE into the democratic mainstream. But the political moves of the LTTE seem designed to silence them forever.  

 

 

It is clear that Tamil democratic politics are surviving under severe threat. If any solution is found during the current peace process without addressing this basic issue, it would only replace Sinhala chauvinism by LTTE fascism.  

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