Bush's Approach to Pakistan
11 Aug, 2001 · 538
Dr. Chintamani Mahapatra argues that the Bush administration is unlikely to neglect or ignore a nuclear Pakistan-ruled by the military with a weak economy
How would the new Bush Administration deal with
Pakistan
? Will it be any different from the previous Clinton Administration? In fact, when President Bush assumed office in
Washington , Pakistan
was reeling under three layers of American sanctions.
Pakistan
by the Bush Senior Administration. These non-proliferation related sanctions, were imposed on
Pakistan
due to the President inability to certify
Pakistan
's nuclear virginity to Congress. The second set of sanctions were imposed in May 1998 after the six nuclear tests conducted by
Pakistan
following the Pokhran II nuclear explosions by
India
. The third layer of sanctions were imposed in October 1999 after the General Pervez Musharraf staged a military coup against the democratically elected Government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.
Washington
is currently engaged in reviewing its sanctions policy towards
South Asia
. While
India
and
Pakistan
are under similar
US
sanctions imposed after the nuclear tests in 1998, the Pressler Amendment and democracy-related sanctions are
Pakistan
specific. If the Bush Administration decides to lift the sanctions imposed in 1998, what will happen to the other two sets of sanctions?
Islamabad
had not conducted its nuclear tests after Pokhran II. In 1992 the Pakistani Foreign Secretary had openly claimed on US soil that his country had acquired nuclear weapons capability. The Kargil adventure by
Pakistan
and the Indian restraint during that conflict also influenced US perception of events and policy towards
South Asia
. While Indian democracy remain vibrant, the military coup in
Pakistan
made things worse for it. The Pakistani economy has gone downhill as compared to six plus percentage annual growth rate of the Indian GDP. What has
Pakistan
done to overcome its frustration over the
US
attitude?
Beijing
has also been warmly watching the Indian efforts to move closer towards the
United States
. Chinese assistance to the nuclear and missile programmes of
Pakistan
has been steady. The
US
has not been able to do anything except express concern and urge
China
to exercise restraint in its arms and technology policies.
China
, on its part, has been making verbal commitments to abide by export control norms and then violating them.
Pakistan
has been in search of alternative sources of military purchases, particularly among the
US
allies who could help it. The recent tie-up with Italian companies for joint defence production is one such example.
Pakistan
has continued to devote funds for its military activities, despite its precarious economy.
Islamabad
continues its efforts to woo
Washington
and restore its earlier close ties. The Pakistani Foreign Minister Abdul Sattar during his recent visit to
Washington
, sought to impress its policy making community that
US
sanctions have weakened the Pakistani economy and, encouraged the extremist forces. He announced a policy of no-first test of nuclear devices.
Washington
is aware of
Pakistan
's theatrics, since
Pakistan
announced a different nuclear policy at home-developing a nuclear navy! But the Bush administration is unlikely to neglect or ignore a nuclear Pakistan-ruled by the military with a weak economy. Assistant Secretary of State Christina Rocca's visit to
Islamabad
made clear that the Bush administration is devising a new policy to engage
Pakistan
.
The first goes back to October 1990 when the Pressler Amendment was imposed on
On the surface, it appears that the US-Pakistan relations have been in the doldrums since 1990. The suspension of US military and economic assistance after the Pressler amendment, the controversy over the sale of F-16 aircraft to Pakistan, Pakistani support to the Taliban in Afghanistan, US intelligence reports highlighting Pakistani involvement in terrorist activities in Kashmir, Pakistani unwillingness to cooperate with the US in tracking down Osama Bin Laden and the Clinton Administration's approach towards the Kargil conflict have contributed to the growing number of bilateral irritants.
Over all these years, Indo-US relations have improved beyond all expectations. This state of affairs would have been different if
First it has jumped into the Chinese lap for assistance and protection. The Chinese leadership has proved willing, since
Secondly,
Finally,