Asif Ali Zardari is the new President, elected democratically by the Parliament. Unlike that of Musharraf's swearing in as President last year, Zardari's election has been widely celebrated by many inside Pakistan. However, the country's neighbours and the international community at large are keenly watching its political developments, for Zardari's election is only one milestone in reviving the democratic process. The journey ahead is long and full of challenges.

The first major challenge is internal political stability based on equations between the political parties and on federal-provincial relations. Zardari's election as the President has titled the balance in favour of the PPP. While most of the mainstream parties at the national and provincial levels suffered and fought courageously against Musharraf's rule including the PML-N, ANP, JI and factions of JUI-F, today, it is the PPP that has become the major beneficiary; both the Prime Minister and the President of Pakistan are from the PPP. In fact, the Sharif brothers of the PML-N have suffered more than the PPP under Musharraf's regime. Despite a good performance in Punjab and forming the government there, the PML-N is not a part of the ruling coalition at the national level. Both Zardari and Gilani - President and Prime Minister respectively, have already accepted the resignations of the PML-N members from the coalition.

Clearly the PML-N is upset with Zardari and the PPP. The relationship between the leaders of two leading political parties will define political stability in Pakistan. Already both parties have had differences on restoring the judiciary, which could not be bridged. Besides, Zardari's policy towards Punjab is likely to determine the relations between PML-N and PPP. Given the recent history between the two leaders, this relationship is likely to be anything but amicable and mutually accommodating.

The second major challenge to Zardari emanates from his perceptions of and policies towards two institutions - the presidency and the judiciary. Currently, the institution of the President is very powerful, vis-a-vis other pillars including the parliament and the judiciary. Amongst the numerous powers bestowed by the Constitution - Article 58-2 (b), which enables him to dismiss the parliament and provincial assemblies is the most important. When the PPP was in opposition, it was, in principle, against a powerful president. Will the PPP be interested in clipping the powers of the President now? Are other parties - ANP, JUI-F, PML-N and MQM, which have formed governments in the provincial assemblies willing to work with a powerful President? Zardari will have to make a firm decision sooner than later.

Zardari is also not in favour of restoring the judiciary completely. Even if he does, he will not like a strong and proactive judiciary. As the co-chairman of the PPP and the President of Pakistan, Zardari perceives a strong judiciary as being neither in the interest of his party or his post. On the other hand, the lawyers' movement has already hinted that they would continue their protest, until the judiciary is fully restored. With civil society actively backing the lawyers' movement and the restoration of judiciary, Zardari's policy towards an independent judiciary in Pakistan will remain a major challenge in the near future.

Third, Pakistan's foreign policies vis-a-vis three countries - the US, Afghanistan and India are in a critical stage. While the PPP has a better understanding with the present American administration, the majority of Pakistanis are hostile towards the US. Ongoing cross-border violations in terms of attacks led by the US troops in the FATA region and the continuing American pressure on Pakistan to reorient Islamabad's Afghan policy will be a major challenge for Zardari. More than addressing American concerns, explaining those actions and inactions to the people of Pakistan will be the bigger challenge for Zardari. What, for example, will happen, if the next US President decides to pursue a different strategy with respect to Pakistan?

Closer home, though Zardari met the Afghan President, Hamid Karzai, immediately after his swearing in, given the vested interests of numerous institutions engaged in Pakistan's Afghan policy, it will be extremely difficult for him to pursue a coherent strategy toward Kabul. Increasing Taliban insurgency, declining governmental writ, continuing ISI support to cross-border militancy and expanding Indian presence in Afghanistan - all these factors remain the same, as before Zardari's election. It will not be any easier to change the mindsets on any of the above issues.

Zardari has also boldly announced that India will hear good news on Kashmir soon. India meanwhile, has already accused the ISI of acting against its interests in Afghanistan, besides complaining about cross border violations and reviving militancy in J&K. With the Congress (I)-led UPA government in New Delhi in its final few months, it is unlikely that New Delhi will take bolder measures vis-a-vis Pakistan or Kashmir. Facing elections both at the national level and in J&K, the Indian government will adopt a go-slow approach. This will only increase the hawks' strength inside Pakistan. How will Zardari achieve a balance?

Finally, the threats faced by the Pakistani state from jihadis need not be reiterated. Zardari's election does not make any difference to the ongoing violence in FATA, NWFP and elsewhere in Pakistan. To conclude, he is a new President with problems galore at both the national and international levels.