Human security is rightly receiving increasing attention. From the 19th century, focus has been moving slowly from the sovereign (now the nation state) towards individual. By the end of the 20th century most analysts agreed that society could best be organised using democracy and markets, putting a premium on individual choice and human rights. It may need protection at times from the state, from forces within the state and outside the state. Human Security in South Asia edited by P.R.Chari and Sonika Gupta is a worthwhile contribution to the growing literature on the subject. The evolution and theoretical perspective of the concept are competently analysed. Freedom from want, and freedom from fear clearly constitute the two basic parameter of human security. Gender, energy, migration and globalisation in South Asia are the subjects of specific studies.

Both studies on energy security in India and Bangladesh concentrate more on the national security aspect. Nurul Islam does draw attention to the human security aspects in rural households. Over the last half-century rural electrification and biogas schemes have been set up. Many are now functional. The subsidy on kerosene for below poverty line (BPL) families has become a holy cow. But urban consumers, traders, and rich farmers are the ones who really benefit from this. The harsh reality is that million of women are still spending hours and walking miles to collect fuel fodder and water. There are women's groups who have been able to alter this with help of NGOs. The state is essentially the culprit as the allocated resources used effectively and transparently would have provided greater energy security and prevented environmental degradation.

The chapters on gender provide a cogent analysis of how society and its patriarchal value system consistently deprive women of their rights. Neither the development process nor the fact that they work longer and harder than men has dented this reality. Both Gupta and Afroze make concrete recommendations which include equality of opportunity through access to education and health, curbing unnecessary births, giving women due credit for the labour contributed to the household and in the fields, and providing them adequate inputs in policy making.

Older women often join the men in perpetuating gender disadvantage, be it special treatment and education for boys, dowry, female infanticide, property settlement etc. Clearly the need is for a revised value system permanently and unquestionably accepted by the entire society. Education, community pressures and state action must all ensure affirmative action beyond equality of opportunity for every individual disadvantaged by gender, caste, creed occupation or rural origin. The consequential economic and social dividends for the society as a whole are now capable of being quantified.

Migration within or from the subcontinent is driven by expectations of a better life, mainly economic. Abrar has provided detailed data about temporary migration to the Gulf and Malaysia. Lama has focussed on migration within the subcontinent, which is mostly permanent. He has also explored the poverty migration interface. Most scientists adopt double standards. They support state efforts to prevent migration, but welcome the cheap labour migrants provide. This is true from New York to Paris to Dubai to Delhi and Mumbai. Raising living standards always reduces this flow. The use of regional funds in the European Union to reduce disparities has reduced the northward flow of migrants when the elimination of other barriers would have encouraged them. Similar endeavours in South Asia would be much difficult given the overall poverty and the huge populations. But this remains the only long term way to handle the problem.

Globalisation is seen by Das as an unmitigated disaster, by Srinivasa Raghavan as a challenge and by Barai as inevitable. The options offered by Srinivasa Raghavan are probably the only feasible way into the future. State control, private cartels and a very uneven public sector have devastated a South Asian economy. Cross subsidies intended for poverty alleviation have become major props of the political establishment. Corruption is endemic Enterprenuership and competition are on the way to becoming defunct. The infrastructure is in dreadful shape. But all is not lost. The reforms, however uncertain over the last decade, have opened the Indian market place and have begun to impact Indian producers. During the last decade, India has proved itself globally competitive in IT, pharmaceuticals and some engineering sectors. Privatization has had its successes and can learn from earlier mistakes. Foreign goods have had only limited success in the Indian market. The most blatant consumerism is not that of the small urban nouveau riche group but by the political elite who have been encouraged by decades of no accountability and no transparency. Most important, the middle class is expanding. The real challenge today is to accept globalisation and reform with an ever expanding and efficient economy, and also encourage an effective civil society, which can question and control the excesses of the state, of big corporates and provide the human face.

The editors concede in their introduction that it would be difficult to construct a paradigm for human security for the present. Discussing the theory, Khosla points out that including every aspect of human security would make the agenda unmanageable. He tries to enunciate some broad principles for its definition, its implementation and its enforcement. Abdus Sabur lists the main issues in South Asia and indicates the possible response and the main actors i.e., the community, the civil society, NGOs, the states, regional groupings and international institutions. Practitioners in this subject need to clarify major issues, outline frameworks for action and lay down priorities.

A revolution driven by rising expectations or due to lack of governance is not likely. Most rural populations in developing countries are fatalistic and apathetic. The rush to the barricades is more by rich farmers who want to maximise both prices and subsidies or the urban middle class protesting price rise or the removal of subsidies. A more realistic objective is to reduce state intervention beyond the absolute needs of affirmative action as outlined above and make upward mobility to the middle class every one's goal. This goal is already being realised in pockets in the cities and even in rural communities. Being middle class is as much an attitude as a figure of per capita income.

Increasing interest in human security in the industrialised world is intriguing. Many third world countries are spending disproportionate amounts on national security. National security is often a misnomer for a Praetorian Guard for the political establishment. Increasing and safeguarding human security would undoubtedly benefit the peoples of the third world. But should not the searching light be turned on everyone? Are there no deficits in human security in the rich countries? Should not the move towards democracy apply to international institutions and decision making? Should not the market mechanism be allowed to cover labour and other services by which developing countries could benefit? Human security is surely a universal doctrine.