The hitherto unknown Tamil Nadu based Islamist extremist outfit, (MDF), has hogged the limelight with 16 arrests of its cadres in 2002. The most recent was on 22 December 2002 when police arrested nine of its cadres. There are still 10 odd militants who continue to evade the dragnet of the Tamil Nadu police.

According to police sources, the MDF is a recently formed Islamist fundamentalist organization with 25 members. The State Police came to know of their existence with the arrest of Zakariah, alias Abu Yahya, of Royapettah and Toufiq, alias Yassar, of Tanjavur on 29 November 2002 from suburban Kodungaiyur in Chennai. Interrogation of these two youths revealed not only their connections with extremists outside the country, but also a critical link with outfits operating in Jammu and Kashmir like the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). The revelations of Zakariah, operations in-charge in Tamil Nadu, and Toufiq led to the arrest of three others in Thanjavur and one in Kayalpattinam in Tirunelveli, along with the seizure of about 8 kg of powerful explosives from their hideouts on December 2.  A major disaster on December 6, the tenth anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition, was thus averted.

According to the interrogation report of the arrested cadres, the MDF was formed after the Coimbatore bomb blasts of February 1998, with an objective to “protect” minorities. Following the riots in Gujarat last year, it took an organizational shape. The MDF circulated video footages of the riots in different languages in various countries to portray the “wrong impression” being officially created regarding security of the minorities in India. The video was reportedly shown at different venues in Saudi Arabia, heightening anger among people there. The actual mode of operations of the MDF is still a matter of speculation. The police are trying, however, to link these episodes with the facts revealed by the arrested cadres.   

Abu Hamsa, who hails from Hyderabad and is now stationed in Saudi Arabia, is the leader of the outfit. The MDF is also seen as a joint effort by Abu Hamsa and a Saudi based Pakistani national, Abu Omar.  They are believed to have met Hamid Bakri, an Islamic religious leader from Tamil Nadu, who was on a Haj pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia. Bakri, on his return to Tamil Nadu, arranged several meetings in May and June 2002 attended by “like-minded persons.” Police sources claim to have evidence of the MDF cadres visiting Sri Lanka in August 2002, primarily to meet Abu Hamsa, who failed to show up.

  MDF terrorists use the Coutrallam hills and surrounding places in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu as hideouts and meeting places. They were also holding regular meetings in private lodges and using the surrounding forests for their activities.

The organization appears to be in a formative stage, evident from its reported move to recruit members, largely from the minority communities, including Dalits. According to sources, an outfit called Pudhiya Parvai (New Vision) was started by the MDF to convert Dalits to Islam. It plans to provide “fitness and arms training” to members. Ironically, the person in charge of this training programme in Tamil Nadu is one Safiullah (original name K Kannan), a former member of the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangha (RSS).

The MDF has both international and national contacts. Reportedly, Zakariah and Toufiq had discussed various issues like funds and future course of action with Abu Hamsa and LeT activists during their stay in Saudi Arabia. They had returned to Chennai from Saudi Arabia a few days before their arrest. Investigations are now in progress to probe the organization’s possible links with the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan.

Funds for the outfit have been arranged by Hamsa. MDF cadres also collect funds from local people telling them stories about communal violence and minority problems in India. The police and intelligence personnel believe that hawala transactions (money laundering) could be another source of funding of the MDF. With its international linkages MDF could also be receiving funds from foreign countries concerned with the state of minorities in India.

Given the essentially nascent stage of the organization and the arrest of a substantial number of its functionaries, it would be understandable to ignore the MDF as a potential threat by the State Police and central security agencies, which might provide the outfit and its associates an opportunity to expand their activities without entering the limelight. It would be advisable to keep the organization under watch and render it incapable of sabotage. The possibility of extraditing the MDF chief from Saudi Arabia, and a ban on the organization might be worth considering.