The September 11 attacks on the US a year ago have changed the international situation in the following ways. Firstly, the world has realized that terrorism is no longer a local law and order problem affecting individual countries. Its transnational character and deadly reach has united the world community to root out this phenomenon. Secondly, in the war against terror, the leading role of the US has further cemented the unipolar character of the international system in the post Cold War era. Though there was some disagreement on how to conduct the war against terrorism, the US did get the support of the world community for its operations in Afghanistan. Thirdly, the use of high technology precision guided weapons by the US to launch air strikes inside Afghanistan from its aircraft carriers in the Indian Ocean has altered the nature of warfare. What does all of this mean for China?

   Before September 11, the ethnic unrest in China’s northwestern province, Xinjiang, was treated by China as a purely internal affair. No comment on it by any other country was either invited or appreciated by Beijing. After September 11, this policy has undergone a change. For the first time, Beijing released a list of the separatist groups operating in Xinjiang, alleging that they have links with Al Qaeda. It proclaimed the Islamic militants in Xinjiang as terrorists and sought recognition that it was also battling terrorism at home. China, in its ratification of the Shanghai Convention on Combating Terrorism, Separatism and Extremism, concluded by the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization bracketed separatism and terrorism, thus obliterating the difference between political and violent campaigns for secession or self determination. 

   Despite the US reservations on this policy, China has made substantial gains on this front. During US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage’s visit to China last month, a Uighur Muslim separatist group fighting for the state of East Turkestan, was recently placed on the US list of terrorist organizations. The group was suspected of planning to bomb the US embassy in Bishkek, the Kyrgyz capital. This decision has been welcomed by Beijing as a vindication of its policy to quell separatism in Xinjiang.

   However, despite a softening of the US stand on its Xinjiang policy, China is increasingly concerned about the growing influence of the US in world politics. China made an appeal for the war on terror to be carried out under the auspices of the UN, rather than be led by the US. These concerns erupted into violent demonstrations across China against the US, when the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade was bombed during the NATO intervention in Kosovo. The US military campaign in Afghanistan has increased China’s anxiety about a possible ‘humanitarian intervention’ in its internal affairs, especially in Xinjiang, Tibet, or Taiwan. 

   To counterbalance the growing US influence, China had made a pitch for a multi-polar international system. This does not mean that it is seeking a dramatic change in the existing international system, but that it wants to change the rules of the game to its own advantage to counter US hegemony. China does not want a head-on contest for power with the US and is mobilizing support, at present, against US unilateralism. For this, China will increasingly seek the support of Europe and Russia. Though the European Union has a long partnership with the US, their differences on global issues are growing. Similarly, Russia, while seeking a partnership with the US, will want to counterbalance its growing influence.

   Finally, the US military campaign in Afghanistan has implications for China’s military modernization.  It demonstrated the reach of US military power across land and sea borders. Coupled with the proposed National Missile Defense, it makes the US almost invulnerable. The use of naval aircraft in the air strikes on Afghanistan is a major cause for concern to China, especially for its interests in Taiwan and South China Sea. China’s bargaining power in East Asia, especially in its relations with Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, depends on its constructing a credible military deterrent against growing US power. It is likely that China will invest more heavily in its military modernization. This, in turn, will increase the security concerns of its neighbours, including India.

   September 11 has not effected any radical change in Sino-Indian relations. Despite having established a Joint Working Group on Terrorism and an agreement on intelligence sharing, the ground situation in Kashmir and the Northeast where India is battling terrorists is not likely to change. India’s concerns with the Sino-Pak nuclear nexus and its boundary dispute with China continue to be core areas of concern in Sino-Indian relations. For China, Tibet continues to be a sensitive subject in bilateral relations.