Pakistan Army and Post- Modernity
25 Jun, 2002 · 778
Atul Bharadwaj argues in favour of the Pakistan Army taking the giant leap from pre to post-modernity
In addition to war rooms monitoring the Indo-Pak borders, the whole world is intently watching developments in the sub-continent. President Musharraf has been forced twice in the past five months to clarify his stand on terrorism;
India
too is being advised to show restraint. Does this mean we have entered a new era in international politics? Yes, the pace of activities in the post-Cold War world has been hectic, which is increasingly associated with post-modernity. Therefore, we are witnessing the emergence of new rules and different standards. The concepts of nation-state and military power are being redefined. The line between ‘national’ and ‘international’ is eroding. During the Cold War era and in the post-Cold War era we could assert ourselves and say that ‘
India
brooks no interference in her internal affairs’.
India
and
Pakistan
could even defy the sole superpower to conduct nuclear tests. However, in the post-modern world these choices are reducing. There is increased monitoring of our activities and guidance of the actions we should undertake, by the extra-regional powers.
US
military leviathan.
Pakistan
. It tested nuclear weapons and reared the Taliban monster to acquire strategic depth. But it has put its ‘sovereignty on sale’. Today, the
Pakistan
army has no choice but to obey the orders of American Generals operating from their soil to ensure the ‘voluntary colonialism’ of
Pakistan
. The
Pakistan
army is facing a credibility crisis; it is neither trusted by its own people nor by its allies. The West wants
Pakistan
to adopt post-modernity, while the Jihadees want it to remain loyal a pre-modern way of life. Under these circumstances, the
Pakistan
army has adopted the strategy of appeasing both parties. On the western front, Musharraf is assuring the Americans that he is ready to take the plunge into post-modernity. On the eastern front, by a display of jingoism against
India
, he is assuring the obscurantist forces in
Pakistan
that his feet are firmly embedded in the philosophy of Jihad.
Pakistan
to enter the post-modern world, they must dismantle the security structures erected by the
Pakistan
army, ostensibly to protect the Pakistani state. It must be clearly understood that the
Pakistan
army is a non-state actor; it is the Taliban in uniform. The Indian government, too, must refrain from raising the bogey of war, because it only helps Musharraf to gain credibility in the eyes of his own people. The international community should encourage him to make the giant leap from pre to post-modernity, because this is the only way the Pakistan army and its illegitimate child ‘Jihad’ could be reformed.
If the fall of the Berlin wall ushered in an era of economic globalization, then one can argue that the WTC collapse on September 11, unleashed the ‘globalization of security’. The ‘war on terrorism’, which is now the dominant theme of the current security discourse, has diluted the Post-War definition of sovereignty. The alacrity shown by nations ranging from Uzbekistan to Pakistan in offering help to the US troops shows that the threat from terrorism is greater than concepts like ‘human rights violations’ and ‘democratic pacifism’. The western powers are mobilizing their armies to fight against a common enemy, terrorism, under the guidance of the
The whole security paradigm is being turned upside down. In the Cold War era and in the post-Cold War era one could say that nuclear weapons procured power and prestige. However, in the post-modern world it would be difficult to support such realist assertions. Take the example of
The Janus faced Musharraf does not represent the interests of the Pakistani state, all that he is trying to preserve is the class interests of Pakistani Generals and Brigadiers. These senior army officers have amassed massive wealth over the years and enjoy many privileges. Therefore, if the international community wants the people of