India and China: Cutting the Gordian Knot
23 Apr, 2002 · 735
Brig SS Chandel throws light on the gains of rapprochement between Indian and China.
On 11 October 1962 Prime Minister Chou En Li called on Prime Minister Nehru with a proposal intended to avoid a clash between the two Asian giants. In essence, it envisaged de jure recognition of the Chinese occupation of the Aksai Chin area through which the vital
East-West Road to
Lhasa
passed. In return, the Chinese would recognise the Mc Mohan line in
Northeastern India
. It was a last ditch effort by the Chinese Prime Minister against the preferred approach of Chairman Mao Tse Tung who wanted to demonstrate the Chinese military might across the Sino-Indian borders. These talks failed because Prime Minister Nehru and his bumptious Defence Minister overrated their international political influence assuming that Mao Tse Tung’s (not Chou En Li’s)
China
would not want to tread on
India
’s toes. The Prime Minister went on to tell the Press that he has instructed the Army to ‘throw out’ the intruders, which precipitated the Army’s sorry but inevitable debacle.
Pakistan
exploited this window of opportunity to develop a close relationship with
China
politically, economically and militarily. Much to its credit,
Pakistan
managed to keep the
US
and the West on its right side too. The partnership progressed with Pakistan and China linking themselves via the Khunjerab Pass; they are in the process of developing Gwadar as a logistics base for the Chinese navy which, alongwith the facilities made available in Coco Island off Myanmar, will enable it to maintain a presence in the Indian Ocean. Above all,
China
helped
Pakistan
develop into a nuclear and missile capable nation, neutralising
India
’s conventional military edge, and letting
Pakistan
pursue its cross border terrorism against
India
.
US
brought about a paradigm shift in the world strategic scene which nobody could have foreseen. The Frankenstein monster of jehad is out, threatening even
China
whose western and north-western states are predominantly Muslim and amenable to the theocratic and financial blandishments by the Rabita Al Islami of
Saudi Arabia
, the hub for the propagation of Islam by theocratic, economic and military means. This has
China
worried, providing
India
a window of opportunity, although subtlety, imagination and creativity will be required to exploit it. The crunch issue will remain the Aksai Chin area. This means looking at the realities hard in the face.
China
. Firstly, we would have eliminated the Chinese threat from the North and the East. Secondly, as a logical corollary, it would qualitatively reduce the threat from
Pakistan
, whose utility as a counterweight to
India
would diminish since there would be no bone of contention left between
India
and
China
.
Pakistan
would perhaps keep getting its armament and equipment from
China
but this would progressively become a commercial matter.
Pakistan
may also feel persuaded to pursue a less strident line in regard to
Kashmir
and terrorism across the border into
India
. Third, with the gradual scaling down of hostilities between
India
and
Pakistan
, there may be a cooling down of Islamic belligerence within
India
. Shorn of support from
Pakistan
, the ordinary people, who have nothing to gain by hostility against one another, will start seeing opportunities in business and trade.
China
, too, has much to gain from such a rapprochement. Firstly, it will find a huge market for its goods in
India
. Secondly, it will gain from
India
’s expertise in software development, which it has been avidly seeking. Thirdly, it would wean
India
away from the
US
to support its quest for oil and gas in the
South China Sea
. This would help
China
emerge as an equal of the
US
in the next 25 years. Therefore, for the pragmatic Chinese to agree to a rapprochement with
India
would be a welcome step not to be spurned.
A standoff between the two countries has gone on now for nearly 40 years.
However, the September 11 act of the Arab terrorists in the
First, there is the military reality. It must be acknowledged that we are weaker than the Chinese in military man power, equipment, air power, and logistics. So we cannot hope to capture the area in de facto occupation of the Chinese. Second, nobody is going to support us diplomatically in any military venture. The third reality is money; we are an impoverished nation who cannot afford to spend crores of rupees to fight an avoidance war. The fourth reality is the possibility, though remote, of triggering a nuclear war. The fifth reality is that we have very few stakes in this area, and may only be fighting for primarily emotional reasons.
On the other hand, there would seem to be many advantages in working out a rapprochement with