Sino- Indian Ties: New Orientation?

31 Jan, 2002    ·   685

Sonika Gupta discusses the impact of Zhu Rongji’s visit to India


Zhu Rongji’s visit to India ended on a high note with both countries focusing on areas of economic cooperation. This orientation, while beneficial, needs to be examined in the light of political and strategic factors. Economic cooperation forms the core of the present relationship between the US and China , but can India and China model their relationship on these lines? The dominant opinion among Indian economists is that since China and India have competing rather than complimentary economies, economic cooperation cannot take the bilateral relationship very far. China has adopted a policy of export-led growth, but India is only moving in that direction.  At present, the US , as a trading partner and as an export market, is more important for both the countries than bilateral trade.  However, the Chinese Premier set a target of increasing the volume of bilateral trade from the current $3.5 billion to $10 billion annually in the near future. The information technology sector is an area of possible cooperation, and both countries recognize it’s potential. Zhu Rongji’s visit to Bangalore , interaction with Infosys, and his instant approval of their proposal to open an office in Shanghai are indicative of the Chinese eagerness to cooperate with India in information technology. The Memorandum of Understanding signed between the two countries on Science and Technology will encourage the exchange of ideas and human resources in this area.

 

 

Another Memorandum of Understanding was signed on exchanging hydrological data on the Brahmaputra river’s flow through Chinese and Indian territory . This will enable forecasting and management of floods in the Indian Northeast, especially in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, and open the way for the two countries to cooperate on their mutual concerns. The Northeast has traditionally been a sensitive region due to the boundary dispute and the Chinese stand on Sikkim . There has been some forward movement in delineating the international boundary between India and China in Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal.  A similar exercise is being planned for the disputed boundary in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh. An exchange on data in this regard can act as a CBM between the two countries.

 

 

India and China have also established a bilateral Joint Working Group on Terrorism and will co-operate with each other on intelligence sharing and exchange of know-how on dealing with terrorism in South Asia . New Delhi would be keen to see the agreement lead to a containment of terrorist threats in the Northeast and in Kashmir . However, the Chinese might not recognize violence in Kashmir as terrorist violence. The agreement showcases China ’s commitment to the global coalition against terrorism and also projects China as a victim of terrorism in Xinjiang. 

 

 

China has refused to play a mediatory role in the Indo-Pak dispute over Kashmir , but urged resolution of the conflict through peaceful means. This is in consonance with the long standing and explicit Chinese policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.  Non-interference in Kashmir is prompted more by an Indian quid pro quo on Tibet than by an interest in the resolution of the Kashmir dispute. India has not supported the movement for Tibetan independence, but the presence of the Dalai Lama in India continues to be a dispute with the Chinese. Pakistan ’s interests in Kashmir are tacitly endorsed by China . A Memorandum of Understanding was formalized between China and Pakistan during President Musharraf’s visit to Beijing last month (December 2001) to provide $55 million in development aid to Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK). As tension rose along the LoC and the international border, China delivered unassembled fighter planes, spares and “strategic assets”, especially delivery systems, to Pakistan . These deliveries were made by the sea route to Karachi and the land route via the Karakoram highway. 

 

 

Given the US presence in Afghanistan and its growing relations with India , China could seek a deeper strategic relationship with Pakistan . China is categorical that the global campaign against terrorism must remain confined to Afghanistan , and has been trying to breathe new life into the Shanghai Five to counter the possibility of continued US military presence in the Central Asian region. Though China may argue that it is not looking for a hyphenated relationship with India and Pakistan, its close ties with Pakistan have to be factored into any analysis of India’s strategic concerns vis-à-vis Pakistan; the transfer of nuclear and missile technology from China to Pakistan remains a cause for concern for India.

 

 

At the present juncture, an expansion in the areas of mutual interest and deferment of the more contentious issues seems to be the approach chosen by both governments. However, this approach will only bear fruit if increased interaction between governments and people creates an atmosphere of mutual trust to solve outstanding issues. Pending this, the Sino-Indian relationship would remain confined to economic cooperation in defined areas. 

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