Who Manages What?: COVID-19 and the Centre-State Division of Responsibilities
16 Apr, 2020 · 5678
Dr N Manoharan explains the significance of centre-state coordination for countering the multi-dimensional impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic in India
Who
is responsible for COVID-19 management in India? The centre, the states, or
both?
Going
by the division of powers as per the Constitution, Schedule 7, Entry 6, “Public
health and sanitation; hospitals and dispensaries” fall within the domain of states.
Also, Schedules 11 and 12 spell out the powers of Panchayats and Nagarpalikas in
maintaining “health and sanitation, including hospitals, primary health centres
and dispensaries.” If COVID-19 had only a health dimension, the states and
local bodies would have been in charge. However, the present threat goes beyond “gates,
guards and guns,” and has various dimensions: national, international, socio-economic,
and even security. While the centre is predominantly involved in the
management of COVID-19 given this multi-dimensionality, centre-state
coordination can go a long way in addressing the challenges that arise.
International Dimensions
Originally viewed as ‘China’s problem’,
COVID-19 has now been declared a pandemic by the World Health Organisation
(WHO)—it has now spread to every continent except Antarctica. All countries,
therefore, have to be involved to contain the crisis. Borders have to closed,
visiting foreigners have to be dealt with, and Indians abroad have to be
facilitated safe passage home.
Since
the virus has come from outside sovereign borders, it has become vital to check
ports of entry and exit through air, land, and sea. While the containment requires global coordination and
cooperation, it may also strain relations in the coming years, which will need
deft handling by Indian foreign policy practitioners. US-China relations are
already ruptured due to allegations of suppression of information about the
virus, as well as the conspiracy theory of COVID-19 being a bio-weapon. India-US
relations were similarly tested by export restrictions on hydroxychloroquine, a
drug apparently useful for managing COVID-19.
All in all, this is an opportunity to mend
relations with other countries, especially the neighbourhood. India has extended
help to its neighbours by providing emergency medical supplies and also evacuating
their stranded citizens from affected countries. In addition, India is at the
forefront of the South Asian regional strategy through its contribution of US$ 10
million to the SAARC COVID-19 Emergency Fund. This encapsulates the international
dimension, which falls solely with the centre (Schedule 7, List I, Entry 10).
Federal
Aspects
In several countries
across the world, COVID-19 has necessitated nation-wide lockdowns that require 24/7
monitoring. In federal countries like India, uniformity in response, both preventive and curative, is crucial.
As per the Constitution, the basis of
distribution of powers between the Union and states is that “only those powers
which are concerned with the regulation of local problems are vested in the
States and the residue specially those which tend to maintain the economic
industrial and commercial unity of the country are left to the Union.”
The
country’s responses therefore demand effective coordination between the centre and
states, and between states themselves, to monitor and regulate the movement of people and
goods across the country. Nearly half of the states are ruled by
different regional parties, and three by
the Congress. Due to ideological differences and a populist will to protect
particular state interests, it may not be easy for all chief ministers to take
a national perspective. While some states are indeed managing well, it should
be noted that not all states are equipped to handle a multi-dimensional crisis
of this proportion.
Financial Fallout
The
financial implications of the crisis have become disproportionate for any one
state to handle alone. The economic fallout needed the Reserve Bank of India’s
(RBI) monitory intervention (Schedule 7, List I, Entry 38). The centre had to
announce huge financial packages to mitigate the downward spiralling economic
situation arising from the lockdown extension. States also needed central
funding to meet the unexpected financial burden to their exchequers. The International
Monetary Fund (IMF) has already cautioned about a world-wide economic
recession. Stock markets have nosedived; it has hit inter- and intra-national
trade. All these require pan-India financial management, which falls with the centre
(Schedule 7, List I).
Security
This
pandemic also has serious security implications in the form of civil unrest due
to shortage of essentials and the resultant panic, inequity, unemployment, and
other social distresses. As the UN Secretary General has warned, COVID-19 may
lead to “opportunistic terror attacks, erosion of trust in public institutions,
political tensions, and human rights violations.” Despite the current
unprecedented scenario, terrorists did not hesitate to strike in Kashmir,
killing four. Taking advantage of state police forces being preoccupied with lockdown-related
duties, terrorists may strike again. The cyber domain is similarly vulnerable
to versatile attacks, like ransomware, phishing, and the like. Countering such physical
and cyber-attacks require strategy formulation at the national level.
Given
COVID-19’s multi-dimensional characteristics, the centre’s predominant role is
a given. At the same time, centre-state consultations and decision-making based
on consensus can play a very significant role in contributing to effective
management of the crisis. Given that such a pandemic may breakout again, a
clear delineation of vertical and horizontal responsibilities should be laid
out in the Constitution itself.
Dr N Manoharan is
Associate Professor, Department of International Studies, Political Science and
History, CHRIST (Deemed to be University), Bengaluru.