Pakistan Today - I: Democracy: Chasing a Mirage?

27 Feb, 2001    ·   471

Suba Chandran says the return of democracy depends on the willingness of the military to quit rather than any popular resistance to the military rule.


Since the army took over in October 1999, the widely discussed subject, inside and outside Pakistan , is the return of democracy. How long will the Army stay in power? The return of democracy to Pakistan depends on three factors: First, the response of the people to the military regime: second organised political opposition to the military rule, and finally, external pressure.

 

 

When the Army took over on 12 October 1999, the people in general seemed to be relieved and welcomed the coup. But it should be understood very clearly that the welcome relief on the part of the people is not that they do not believe in democracy or they prefer military rule. It was rather due to the total undemocratic way in which the country was governed during Nawaz Sharif’s period. The manner in which Nawaz Sharif dealt with the democratic institutions, widespread corruption, collapse of law and order and even his handling of the Army had made him the most unpopular leader in recent history.

 

 

Today, after 15 months of the military rule, what is the level of public support to the military regime? Do people still support the military regime or are they disappointed with the military rule’s achievements and looking forward a civilian rule?. General Musharraf has not delivered anything substantiall either in terms of improving the economy of Pakistan or in terms of the “accountability” process. At the same time, people also seem to understand the limitations of the military regime. 

 

 

Where do the political parties stand today in their efforts to re-establish democracy, especially in the aftermath of Nawaz Sharif’s exile from Pakistan ? Will they be able to mobilise themselves effectively and present a joint platform in their fight against the military rule? What are the prospects of such a joint venture? If such a platform is formed in the near future, what are the prospects of its success? Much before Sharif left Pakistan there were efforts to bring most of the mainstream parties together, especially the Pakistan People Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League (PML). Both the parties, after fighting each other for nearly a decade decided during September-October last year to cooperate with each other as leadership in both the parties felt that it was “imperative for the restoration of democracy”.

 

 

There were at least two factors that could be identified for both the parties to realise the need for cooperating with each other. Firstly, the nature of reforms initiated by the military regime. Especially, the accountability process, in which leaders belonging to both the parties are being continuously targetted. Both parties seemed to have realised the need for coming together, if not to establish democracy at least to get rid of the military regime, so that actions against their leaders could be slowed down and ultimately stopped. The second factor, that made both the parties to realise the need for cooperation was the internal situation in their respective parties. Especially the PML then was facing a serious threat from the Chaudhurys, which ultimately led to the break up of the PML.

 

 

Besides the attempt to bring the PML and PPP together, there was another effort to forge a common platform, which ultimately resulted in the formation of an Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) during the first week of December 2000. The formation of ARD appeared to be significant during the first week of December 2000. The ARD comprised of fourteen parties, is not an electoral alliance and was formed with a single point agenda of restoration of democracy. It was seen as an alliance of strength and representative as the main components - the PML, the PPP, the MQM and the ANP had polled nearly 85 percent of the votes casted. 

 

 

The ARD was considered as a “potentially solid challenge to the military government” but things have changed very rapidly for the ARD after the exit of Nawaz Sharif. Though the ARD chief Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan believes that the Sharif’s exile would not affect the movement for restoration of democracy, it is obvious that the ARD today stands confused. The Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) had already decided to quit the alliance. 

 

 

The deal struck between Nawaz Sharif and the military government has exposed the opportunistic character of the political parties. One of the main reason for the lack of opposition to the military rule from the population is the deep mistrust that the people have over the various political parties. Popular support and trust in the political parties are two most crucial aspects for a democracy. It appears today in Pakistan , especially after the exit of Sharif, none of the political parties or platforms enjoys that trust and support, crucial for the return of democracy.

 

 

With the society not thoroughly dissatisfied with the military regime and with the political parties incapable of launching an effective political struggle, the only hope for the return of democracy in Pakistan , ironically, depends on the willingness of the military to return to the barracks. The Supreme Court had passed a judgement on 12 May 2000, that the military government should hold elections within three years commencing from 12 October 1999 and hand over the administration to the elected representatives.

 

 

The return of democracy to Pakistan as of now depends on the how far the military will abide by the Supreme Court verdict rather than any popular resistance to the military rule

 

 

 

 

 

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