Building a Case for US Supremacy

31 Aug, 2000    ·   413

Sonika Gupta comments on Humphrey Hawksley’s Dragonfire, that represents two core US interests; extension of the Non-Proliferation regime and the China threat theory


In the current indignation regarding George Fernandes’ “endorsement “ of Humphrey Hawksley’s  Dragonfire,  more significant aspects of the book have been  ignored. Hawksley’s earlier book Dragonstrike, written before the South Asian nuclear tests, imagined a war between China and Vietnam . Post –Pokharan, it is more exciting and, in Hawksley’s opinion, more probable to speculate on a nuclear war in South Asia and China .  One could pertinently ask why so much attention is being paid to a work of fiction. A disproportionate media hype has undoubtedly been generated because of the gaffe by George Fernandes. However, the book is a part of the debate that aims at building a consensus to maintain the status quo in favor of US supremacy. Dragonfire, though a work of fiction, represents two core US interests; extension of the NPT regime and the China threat theory. 

 

 

In the last two decades, US scholarship has moved from a focus on ‘understanding China ’ to ‘ managing the rise of China ’. During the Cold War, the USSR , and not China was the major threat to world peace. Hence, the  US threat perception from China was not very high. However, post Cold War, the western intelligensia has nurtured a China threat theory at all levels, including academics, policy research,  and in the popular literature. This has worked as a justification for growing US power which has translated into US led military intervention on humanitarian grounds in trouble spots. It is  natural for the US to develope a  China threat perception to maximize its power, the latest example of this being the NMD and the TMD. 

 

 

It is the American belief that the US follows a model of global politics in which power is subordinated to norms and values. To be fair to the US , its power maximization may well be necessitated by genuine global and national security concerns. A case in point is that, despite a No First Use declaration being made by China , the US is not willing to trust it because the US has always percieved a gap between China ’s policy pronoucements and its practices.  Hence considerable global and national security concerns  may rise from this. But the problem is that US concerns are institutionalised in a manner that excludes participation or even interest articulation by non-western states like India

 

 

Sustained US pressure to perpetuate the CTBT outside the US despite it being rejected  in the US legislature is an example of this.   Another example to maintain the American supremacy is the  assumption that  non- western states that possess nuclear weapons are not ‘responsible’ and may well end up destroying one another in a nuclear war.  The promotion of Kashmir as a nuclear flashpoint is a part of this belief. Here the argument that India is a democracy and a responsible nuclear power does not cut any ice. To project the horror of a country being nuked out of existence, when  non –western powers like China and India are allowed to posses nuclear weapons, makes a persuasive argument for  retaining the exclusivity of the nuclear club as well as  banning further testing by states other than the US

 

 

So what is the best way to maintain peace if not harmony all around? The US portrays certain group of states as “states of concern” in political correct terminology, as being the major threats to world peace. This is where the global policing role of the US comes in. One must not underestimate the role of popular literature that projects the US as the “good guys”. These are powerful images that sustain ideologies and regimes and no one who has lived through the Cold War can deny this. If public opinion provides the space for a particular country to expand its power endlessly, then at some point it may well demand expansion of that power or assume it as a right as the British did to bear the Englishman’s burden to civilise the world. In fact, if this public sanction for power maximization is justified on moral grounds to maintain world peace then it would not be easy for any party to oppose it.

 

 

 

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