From a student of Sociology to Islamic Studies, a comrade of National Student Federation (NSF) a progressive left wing group to Jamiat-e-Tulaba activist (JeI student group), Syed Munnawar Hasan is the new Amir of Jamat-e-Islami (JeI). Considered to be a hardliner in the party, it is fair to say that he has a life from one extreme to another. The JeI leadership is not dynastic and the party has always held elections to choose its office holders. Nobody can seek leadership, instead a politburo of sorts (Shura) proposes three candidates from whom the party members then choose their Ameer for a four-year term.

Issues confronting the Party
JeI is an ideological party but that does not mean that there is complete harmony within the party; it is clearly divided between the ideologues and pragmatists. Although both believe in Maududism, they have different approaches towards achieving the goals. This conflict of approaches has developed a lot of discrepancy among the followers of JeI all over the world.

Another important issue within the party is ethnicity; though JeI would never accept this, but Punjabis are more in numbers than other ethnic groups, there are Pashtuns and then Muhajirs (Urdu speaking migrants from India). Election of Munawar Hasan as chief of JeI Pakistan, surpassing many senior clerics was a step to reconcile with the Muhajir members and vote- bank as JeI is facing tough competition with the MQM in urban Sindh particularly in Karachi. 

Likely Political Focus and Strategies: Implications for national/regional politics
Given the fact that the current leadership is quite inflexible vis-à-vis the West and its policies particularly in Afghanistan and Pakistan, there will be a hard-line approach on part of the Jamat-e-Islami in future. An indication is the recent initiative by JeI and JUIF and other religious parties in Pakistan who agreed to adopt a joint strategy against the US intervention in the country but the awaited announcement for revival of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) has not been made. However, a lot has to be sorted out before another MMA alliance takes shape. The Sunni Itehad is not happy with the orthodox polices of the JUIF and JeI. It believes that fundamentalism and terrorism would re-emerge in the country with the reunion of the MMA, as its last regime in the NWFP provided safe heavens to the Taliban and al Qaeda-linked terrorists.

When it comes to Kashmir, JeI is adamant on its decades old policy of no compromise on the future of Kashmir; they see Kashmir as part of Pakistan and the issue has highest the priority. It seems that JeI is least bothered about the changing political scenario in the region and still believes in ‘Kashmir jihad’. According to Syed Munawar Hasan, the real threat to Pakistan came from Americanization and “Altafization” Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and not Talibanization. JeI Pakistan described the US’s new Afghan policy as ‘a declaration of war against the tribesmen in Pakistan’s tribal region’. 

It seems that JeI Pakistan will remain a small group comprising pragmatist and ideologues of Maududism. The 2008 elections were clear indication of the frustration of the people of Pakistan with the religious right, but there is another dimension to look at it, people have very short memory and now that the ‘secular’, ‘progressive’ government of PPP is not doing enough for the people, they might again turn towards the Islamists. Within a short span of two years, public opinion is once again changing and JeI is shrewd enough to make the most out of it. 

Like in the past , the religious parties particularly JeI would in some way or the other remain in close alliance with the military if not overtly; then an understanding would be there to work for the military as the military now does not want to be seen as criticizing the government. That is why both the religious parties and Judiciary are encouraged to keep a check on the political government. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate JeI’s street power and mosque to mosque network. Its presence in the universities and neighborhood are unmatched for mass mobilization. 

JeI will continue to remain active through its vast network in Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh and Kashmir. However, on the domestic front, the rivalry with the MQM would hamper any hope for JeI to monopolize the politics of urban Sindh. JeI is desperate to expand its political influence which is fast fading away; there will be more show of street power against government’s inability to provide basic needs to people, against drone attacks, against the occupation of Afghanistan and against the US facilitated India-Pakistan normalization of relations. In desperation to achieve political influence, the JeI might come under Nawaz Sharif flag. Hence prospects of a new alliance emerging from Raiwand (Lahore) led by Sharifs do exist but of course depend on a numbers of others factors as well. Nawaz Sharif though not in favor of anti India policy might publicly make an alliance with the Jel and JUIF against the present government to ensure maximum benefit in the next elections. The pro-Taliban slogan may not help them this time but anti-US stance would surely fetch them many votes.