The Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, under section 603, mandates the US government to come out with a ‘National Security Strategy (NSS)’. NSS seeks to purport the US perspective on its immediate and long term goals in the international arena and, auditing its national capabilities and foreign policies in order to achieve these goals. Such a document- the 2010 NSS - under the new administration of President Obama has just been released. The 2010 NSS is important because of the excruciating nature of the contemporary period. The US is fighting wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and is also engaged in state building efforts in these countries. Moreover, the 2008 global financial crisis has had a crippling effect on the US economy, currently suffering under a debt of more than 10 trillion dollars. It is further complicated by issues such as non-proliferation, climate change and food security. Moreover, the period of relative decline of the US is concomitant with the rise of other centers of power such as India and China.

The NSS of President Obama is significantly different from that of President Bush. The document portrays a picture of a self-reflective US which understands its own strategic limits. The stress on economic resuscitation, invocation of international institutions and norms of behavior and, multilateral approaches to solve international problems provide a glimpse of the shift from the neo-conservative agenda of his predecessor. It also, unlike the hard-headed militaristic approach of President Bush, undermines excessive use of force.  In clear terms, it laments the flawed approach of the earlier administration saying “over the years, some methods employed in pursuit of our security have compromised our fidelity to the values we promote, and our leadership on their behalf.”

However, from an Indian standpoint, three issues which the NSS addressed are crucial. First is the ongoing strategic engagement between the two countries and its future trajectories. The NSS has called India, along with China and Russia,  as one of the  ‘21st Century Centers of Influence’, a clear recognition of the growing stature and role of India in the contemporary global order. Invoking the ‘shared interests and shared values’ of the two nations, underpinned by their democratic credentials, the document seeks to build on the strategic partnership whose foundations were laid by President Bush. This is also evident in Under-Secretary Burns’ speech at the Council of Foreign Relations on the eve of the Indo-US strategic dialogue. NSS seeks India to contribute to “global counterterrorism efforts, non-proliferation, and help promote poverty-reduction, education, health and sustainable agriculture.”

Second, is the Af-Pak policy. Underlining the grave threat which terrorist organizations such as al Qaeda pose to the US national security and international peace, it calls the region the ‘epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda’. It clearly states that “al Qaeda’s core in Pakistan remains the most dangerous component of its larger network”. However, the NSS has solely focused on al Qaeda leaving out any mention of various proxy organizations which work on its behalf. This is problematic for India, since terrorist organizations such as Jaish-e Mohammed and Lashkar-e –Taiba, operational in Pakistan, have inextricable links with al Qaeda. The report also commits the US to long term engagement in the Af-Pak region. State-building in Afghanistan and democracy promotion in Pakistan are two important components of this extended engagement program.  It also commits the US to foster Pakistan’s capacity to target violent extremists within its borders which clearly means that Pakistan’s military will be a key constituency in this region. However, this leads to a contradiction since any strengthening of democracy would be antithetical to the interest of the military, as has been the case in the history of Pakistan. In all, if that is so, the US trying to walk on a very thin rope.

The final issue is concerning China. The report acknowledges the leadership role of China at the world stage. It seeks to cooperate with the Asian giant on areas such as global economic recovery, climate change and nonproliferation. The report also states clearly that the US has certain disagreements with China, especially mentioning the issue of Human Rights and proclaims that the US will not hesitate in expressing its reservations on the same. On the surface, the US may portray a picture of not compromising when it comes to its core values of Human Rights and Democracy. However, in reality, the US is in no position to take a very determined stand on these issues in wake of its strategic limitations in the contemporary period.

The NSS has emphasized upon the importance of the Indo-US strategic relationship calling the two countries partners in the global arena. The NSS not only recognized India as an emerging leader but also tried to clearly delineate the responsibilities such a scenario brings forth. To this effect it stated “we value India’s growing leadership on a wide array of global issues, through groups such as the G-20 and will seek to work with India to promote stability in South Asia and the world.”