Indo-US Relations

31 Dec, 1999    ·   302

Sonika Gupta reports on the IPCS Seminar held on 27 November 99


Alok Prasad provided  an overview of Indo-US relations with an emphasis on its Post- Pokharan aspects . According to him, the US began a reassessment of its relations with India in the early 1990s. A change of personnel in the Clinton administration underlay this assessment. The major issue this involved was the CTBT. The Clinton administration realized that India would not sign the CTBT under pressure.  Despite the US not being in favor of nuclearization, it was made clear by India that its nuclear option would be kept open.  This was also a period of intense engagement with many cabinet level exchanges between the two countries, including a strategic dialogue between Thomas Pickering and Foreign Secretary K. Raghunath. Though this dialogue has been belittled by critics, it laid the groundwork for rebuilding  Indo-US relations after India 's nuclear tests.

 

 

In the post Pokharan scene, the major issues in  bilateral relations were the CTBT, FMCT, more stringent export controls by India , and India 's nuclear posture. On all these issues India 's response has been favorable. It had already announced a moratorium on further nuclear testing after its tests in May 1998. It was also willing to join the FMCT negotiations in Geneva . On the export front, India was willing to introduce more stringent export control measures and finally India 's defence posture was spelt out in its nuclear doctrine with a no-first-use policy and maintenance of a credible minimum deterrence. Along with these, a number of other issues including terrorism and Afghanistan also figured. 

 

 

After the tests, the Jaswant Singh -Strobe Talbott  talks have laid the foundation of a broad based relationship between the two countries. The concrete outcome of these talks was the UN Security Council resolution against Taliban. Other areas like energy witnessed increased interaction between India and the US .  The US Secretary for Energy, Bill Richardson's visit to New Delhi , earlier this year, presented opportunities for increased Indo-US cooperation in the field of energy. However, this increased co-operation needs to be realistically qualified. India cannot possibly hope to receive nuclear reactors from the US , though it may build on co-operation in the area of nuclear safety. 

 

 

On the economic front, though India and the US have been at cross-purposes in the WTO, especially on the issues of Intellectual Property Rights and Trade Related Investment Measures. New areas of co-operation such as e-commerce and information technology have been identified between the two countries. Though military to military contact between India & the US has not been very significant, however, the Army Chief Gen. V.P. Malik's recent visit to the Hawaii and Washington is as a breakthrough in this area.

 

 

The Clinton administration has been suggesting the President's visit to India in February- March next year. The US has time and again said that there are no preconditions to the US President's visit. However, India is keen to hold it in a positive and warm atmosphere which, unfortunately, is compromised by the existing US sanctions against India . Whether the proposed visit takes place or not, it shall be India 's endeavour to build a broad based relationship with the US .

 

 

Questions, Comments & Response

 

 

Question: Why is India not more focussed about conducting a strategic dialogue with the US ?

 

 

Response: What India is looking for is a strategic understanding with the US and mutual accommodation of each other's world view. This includes an understanding on the issues of terrorism, Afghanistan and even China India does not want to become a camp follower as it always has and will pursue an independent foreign policy.

 

 

Question: What is the Indian response to the US attempts to marginalize India as a nuclear weapons state by forcing  CTBT down our throats?

 

 

Response: It is an effort on the part of the US to keep India out of the privileged 'Nuclear Club'.  However, Indian thinking too, needs to be more dynamic in the post Pokharan scene. Before India conducted the nuclear tests we could not have signed the CTBT and ensured our security. But now we can. 

 

 

Question: The US wants India to quantify its deterrent. Is that imminent? 

 

 

Response: India 's nuclear doctrine is very clear about the dimensions of India 's defence posture. The key issue here is one of survivability and not of triad. In keeping with this, the doctrine does not mention terms like first strike or second strike. It only ensures a capability to retaliate. And the guiding principle of this defence posture is the credible minimum deterrence. 

 

 

Question: The US and China exchanged information on Kargil during the conflict. From this does it emerge that the US and China are aiming at some kind of joint management of South Asia ?

 

 

Response: The US has a much broader relationship with China than with India . It is understandable if they kept each other informed of the developments during the Kargil crisis. However, India does object to demarcating the South Asian region as some kind of Chinese sphere of influence by the US and giving it a kind of watchdog role in the region. However, the US attitude to the Kargil was beneficial to India . The US had its own independent information on the Kargil conflict and the involvement of Pakistani Army regulars. The political commitment of the Indian side to not cross the LoC in face of the intrusions by the Pakistani Army was appreciated by the US . Further, the US stance also influenced the Chinese response to the  Kargil conflict. China saw the US and the G-8 reaction taking a forthright stand, they also did the same. In fact, the Pakistanis were advised by China to cut their losses in Kargil, and withdraw their forces.

 

 

Question: Will the US perception that the nuclear tests were a breach of trust on part of India continue to affect the bilateral ties? Will a Republican Government in the White House spell major changes in the Indo-US relations?

 

 

Response:  India was very clear about keeping its nuclear option open from the very beginning. If the US chose to interpret it differently, the onus of a 'breach of trust' can hardly be placed on India . India could not ensure its security in face of Pakistan 's testing of the Ghauri missile by exercising restraint.

 

 

About a change in Government in the US , there is a feeling in India that the Democrats in the US are more pro-India. This is not true. In fact, the Republican Governments are more pragmatic and hard-headed in dealing with issues like the NPT. However, India has succeeded in getting fairly bi-partisan support from the parties in the US

 

 

Question:  Does the US really understand India 's security concerns?

 

 

Response: The US is beginning to understand India 's concerns about China . However, this has not permeated to all levels of thinking in the US

 

 

 

 

 

POPULAR COMMENTARIES