Pakistan’s Divide and Rule Policy in Gilgit-Baltistan
09 Oct, 2009 · 2980
Senge H Sering examines Pakistan’s divisive policy in Gilgit-Baltistan
With an aim to annex the Gilgit-Baltistan region of Jammu & Kashmir, the Prime Minister of Pakistan recently announced the Empowerment and self-governance Presidential Ordinance 2009, which was rejected by the natives as it fails to grant them genuine political autonomy and control over resources and also strengthens Islamabad’s direct rule in the region. Pakistan, on the other hand, accuses Kashmiris and India for the political and judicial impasse in Gilgit-Baltistan. The myth that granting autonomy to Gilgit-Baltistan will weaken the Kashmir issue and allow India to reorganize J&K by hiving off Jammu and Ladakh, is an attempt to cover its own shortcomings. The demands from Gilgit-Baltistan were dumped in the cold storage for this long in order that Pakistan could strengthen its illegitimate rule in the region, which it fears will be challenged, if the locals attain self rule. Further, by blaming India and the Kashmiris for its own failures, Pakistan intends to distract the international community from the real causes of the deadlock in the Kashmir dispute, and weaken unity among the people of Gilgit-Baltistan and Kashmir so that they do not succeed in exposing Pakistan’s criminal follies.
The political discrimination against Gilgit-Baltistan and favour towards Muzaffarabad (AJK) is a continuation of the age-old British policy of divide and rule aimed at breeding resentment and divisiveness among different ethnic and religious groups of J&K. For instance, while the people of Gilgit-Baltistan are denied both, the right to vote and access to apex courts in Pakistan and AJK – all in defense of the Kashmir issue; AJK is permitted a president, prime minister, supreme court, legislative assembly, senate, constitution, national anthem and state flag. Further, whenever Gilgit-Baltistan has demanded the resolution of the Kashmir issue to enable provision of political and judicial rights; Pakistan has pretended to be helpless, blaming India for the delays.
Pakistanis who unquestioningly follow the government’s rhetoric, fail to understand that the UNCIP resolutions on Kashmir demand that Pakistan withdraw its troops and non-local settlers from the parts of J&K under its control. Secondly, they require Pakistan to transfer civil rule to the local authority in Gilgit-Baltistan. Thirdly, they call on Pakistan to allow people-to-people contact in all parts of J&K including Baltistan and Ladakh. Once Pakistan accomplishes the above-mentioned tasks, which it has failed to do in the last six decades, the UNCIP subsequently requires India to reduce its troops and coordinate with the Kashmiri leadership on resolving the dispute.
UNCIP regards Pakistan as a foreign aggressor, rather than a party to the dispute, which Pakistan believes it is. The Kashmir dispute is in fact, between the people of J&K and India. The time has come that these two parties discuss the matters bilaterally to expedite their resolution.
The purpose of keeping the Kashmir issue valley-centric and denying Gilgit-Baltistan the right of representation during conferences and dialogues, is to avoid an internationalization of Gilgit-Baltistan’s occupation as well as deny human rights organizations the opportunity to investigate the ground situation. While Pakistan benefits from such policies; the Kashmir issue and its leadership is expected to take the entire blame for Pakistan’s failures. On the other hand, Pakistan wants the Kashmiris to believe that the people of Gilgit-Baltistan desire to separate from J&K and merge with Pakistan. The secret service agencies also engineer religious and ethnic conflicts in Gilgit-Baltistan, such as Shia-Sunni and Balti-Shin conflicts, to weaken indigenous freedom struggles. Such communal differences make Gilgit-Baltistan an easy prey to Pakistani designs of annexation and demographic change as demonstrated by the systematic settlement of Punjabis and Pathans, which continues unabated.
Despite this, many political parties of AJK and Gilgit-Baltistan refuse to play into Pakistani hands. Rather than accepting the Hurriyat Conference as the sole representative of Kashmir, they desire a comprehensive discourse and equal representation for all ethnic and religious groups of J&K. They condemn Pakistan for barring Kashmiris from traveling to Gilgit-Baltistan to initiate dialogue and promote social harmony and cohesion. In the absence of an opportunity within Pakistan, these parties organize conferences outside the country to bring Gilgit-Baltistan and Kashmir together, as well as to expose who the real usurper of rights and opportunities is, in a bid to resolve the Kashmir dispute.
Gilgit-Baltistan has been ruled by cosmetic and band-aid ordinances for the last six decades without any constitutional cover, which raises doubts about Pakistan’s sincerity in granting the locals their fundamental rights. While Pakistan can prolong the occupation through the use of divide and rule tactics, it can not legalize it. Recognizing all ethnic and religious groups of J&K as equal and encouraging genuine representation during the Kashmir talks will help resolve the dispute. Kashmiris, like the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, are victims of Pakistani aggression. It will not be long before anti-Kashmir slogans turn into anti-Pakistan ones, and Gilgit-Baltistan becomes like Balochistan, especially if Pakistan does not forgo the occupation. The era of the regent is coming to its logical end