Indo-Myanmar Relations: Ideology vs Realism
17 Aug, 2009 · 2944
Sanjeev Pilay explains why India was not vocal during the trial of Aung Sang Suu Kyi
The nature of the alliance between Myanmar and India has been criticized for giving legitimacy to the non democratic rule of the junta and its violation of human rights. The condemnation of pro democracy movement leader, Aung Sang Suu Kyi to an extended term of house arrest is evidence that the junta is not willing to take chances by releasing the popular activist in the run up to the upcoming elections. General Than Shwe and his administration are apprehensive of the magnetic popularity of Suu Kyi and would rather extend her imprisonment than revert to the situation in 1990 when the Suu Kyi led National League for Democracy swept the elections. India has been largely silent on the trial and conviction of Suu Kyi. The Indian government has done little other than issue mild reminders to Yangon to expedite the democratic process. Despite claiming to be the world’s largest democracy, India has consistently given credence to the military regime in Myanmar. The Indian government although normally an advocate of democratic ideals, on the question of Myanmar, has adopted a contrary principle.
Democracy groups in Myanmar have often looked to India for support but India has been steadfast in its refusal to be directly involved in the country’s internal affairs and continues to maintain financial and military ties with Myanmar. India’s security considerations have seemingly overshadowed its ideological principles.
The suspension of the civilian government in 1962 by the Tatmadaw (military) saw a sharp reaction from New Delhi. India was the only country among Burma’s neighbours which initially supported the confrontation policy of the West. All India Radio had joined hands with the BBC in criticizing the regime and enjoyed considerable popularity among the regime’s critics. The SLORC sponsored brutal repression of Burmese students on September 1988 drew a stringent response from New Delhi. India was even urged to resort to military action as it done in the case of Sri Lanka. Diplomatic relations with Myanmar were at an all time low.
The demise of the Cold War realigned the contours of India’s foreign policy which now had characteristics of a multi directional agenda. A new foreign policy initiative emerged in the form of the Look-East policy. India’s conciliatory efforts towards ASEAN after the lukewarm years of the Cold War were aimed primarily at promoting economic, multilateral and security ties. Myanmar, India’s closest southeast Asian neighbour was the bridge linking India to Southeast Asia. After Myanmar’s admission to ASEAN in 1997, India felt it was imperative to consolidate ties with the junta overlooking the earlier emphasis on democratic ideals. Myanmar would be the entry point from where India could operationalize the Look-East policy.
The visit by Foreign Secretary JN Dixit in March 1993 to Yangon was a turning point in bilateral relations. The democratic movement and the issue of Suu Kyi were agreed upon as an internal matters of Myanmar and could not be permitted to impede Indo-Myanmar relations.
The fact that India had decided to engage actively with ASEAN was not the only reason for India’s affinity to Yangon. India feared that the Chinese influence in southeast Asia and its penetration into the Indian Ocean region would jeopardize India’s security interests. Myanmar’s seaboard is extraordinary significant for India for it extends south to the Andaman sea, above the strategically vital straits of Malacca. India’s naval dominance in the Bay of Bengal can be threatened should Myanmar provide naval bases to China along its coastline. In fact, China already operates a naval base at the Coco islands, near the Andaman and Nicobar islands.
Myanmar had turned to China in its moments of isolation. China has helped the regime militarily and economically at the expense of Myanmar’s natural resources. China has made significant investments in Myanmar amounting to $1.331 billion. Sino-Myanmar trade touched $2.62 billion in 2008. Myanmar considers China a dependable and reliable ally and one who would advocate Myanmar’s position on the international platform, courtesy the UNSC. India cannot afford to ignore the Chinese threat in turning Myanmar into a buffer zone. Likewise to counter China, India has stepped up its multilateral engagement in the region, bringing Myanmar in the fold of regional forums like the Mekong-Ganga project and BIMST-EC, where both countries can work together on common grounds.
The importance of Myanmar to India in the neighbourhood has prevented India from taking a vocal stand against the regime. The hushed tones in which India urges the promotion of democracy in Myanmar do not speak well for India’s image as the champion of democracy. On the other hand, India’s Machiavellian approach in prioritizing security concerns that would benefit India in coming years have also been lauded by many. In this strategic game however, democracy is the clear loser.
Democracy groups in Myanmar have often looked to India for support but India has been steadfast in its refusal to be directly involved in the country’s internal affairs and continues to maintain financial and military ties with Myanmar. India’s security considerations have seemingly overshadowed its ideological principles.
The suspension of the civilian government in 1962 by the Tatmadaw (military) saw a sharp reaction from New Delhi. India was the only country among Burma’s neighbours which initially supported the confrontation policy of the West. All India Radio had joined hands with the BBC in criticizing the regime and enjoyed considerable popularity among the regime’s critics. The SLORC sponsored brutal repression of Burmese students on September 1988 drew a stringent response from New Delhi. India was even urged to resort to military action as it done in the case of Sri Lanka. Diplomatic relations with Myanmar were at an all time low.
The demise of the Cold War realigned the contours of India’s foreign policy which now had characteristics of a multi directional agenda. A new foreign policy initiative emerged in the form of the Look-East policy. India’s conciliatory efforts towards ASEAN after the lukewarm years of the Cold War were aimed primarily at promoting economic, multilateral and security ties. Myanmar, India’s closest southeast Asian neighbour was the bridge linking India to Southeast Asia. After Myanmar’s admission to ASEAN in 1997, India felt it was imperative to consolidate ties with the junta overlooking the earlier emphasis on democratic ideals. Myanmar would be the entry point from where India could operationalize the Look-East policy.
The visit by Foreign Secretary JN Dixit in March 1993 to Yangon was a turning point in bilateral relations. The democratic movement and the issue of Suu Kyi were agreed upon as an internal matters of Myanmar and could not be permitted to impede Indo-Myanmar relations.
The fact that India had decided to engage actively with ASEAN was not the only reason for India’s affinity to Yangon. India feared that the Chinese influence in southeast Asia and its penetration into the Indian Ocean region would jeopardize India’s security interests. Myanmar’s seaboard is extraordinary significant for India for it extends south to the Andaman sea, above the strategically vital straits of Malacca. India’s naval dominance in the Bay of Bengal can be threatened should Myanmar provide naval bases to China along its coastline. In fact, China already operates a naval base at the Coco islands, near the Andaman and Nicobar islands.
Myanmar had turned to China in its moments of isolation. China has helped the regime militarily and economically at the expense of Myanmar’s natural resources. China has made significant investments in Myanmar amounting to $1.331 billion. Sino-Myanmar trade touched $2.62 billion in 2008. Myanmar considers China a dependable and reliable ally and one who would advocate Myanmar’s position on the international platform, courtesy the UNSC. India cannot afford to ignore the Chinese threat in turning Myanmar into a buffer zone. Likewise to counter China, India has stepped up its multilateral engagement in the region, bringing Myanmar in the fold of regional forums like the Mekong-Ganga project and BIMST-EC, where both countries can work together on common grounds.
The importance of Myanmar to India in the neighbourhood has prevented India from taking a vocal stand against the regime. The hushed tones in which India urges the promotion of democracy in Myanmar do not speak well for India’s image as the champion of democracy. On the other hand, India’s Machiavellian approach in prioritizing security concerns that would benefit India in coming years have also been lauded by many. In this strategic game however, democracy is the clear loser.
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