Underdevelopment and the Naxal Movement
11 Aug, 2009 · 2937
Rajat Kumar Kujur investigates the connection between developmental policy and naxal activity
Although regularly discussed in informal forums, it is only recently that Home Minister P Chidambaram confirmed that a substantial portion of the developmental fund lands were in the hands of extremists. In the context of Naxalism this revelation is of immense importance since Naxalism revolves around the issues of deprivation and development. It has been well established from Naxal literature and documents seized by central security agencies that the income generated from 'levies' in the seven most Naxal-infested states of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar, West Bengal and Maharashtra, amounts to nearly Rs 1,500 crore per annum.
With the central government accepting the evils of underdevelopment in the Naxal infested regions, there is no dearth of money being pumped in for specific developmental projects. About Rs 13,000 crores has already been spent under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme between 2006-08. Recently the Government of India has approved a special development package with a budget of Rs 20,000 crore for the 33 Naxal-affected districts, along with 22 districts around Naxal infested areas. Most of the funds sanctioned for the Naxalite area are for infrastructure development, involving much construction work. The idea of Naxals acquiring government money meant for development, may seem far fetched but is in fact a true representation of the current reality. The CPI (Maoist) collects a minimum of ten to fifteen per cent of the sanctioned amount from contractors. Interestingly, it is not just the Naxals who approach contractors for money but in some cases even the contractors approach the Naxals with money. They approach the Naxals to blow up the roads built by them because inferior material had been used in their construction. Once the roads are blown up, quality inspections do not take place.
The Naxals have strategically targeted every source of wealth generation such as government-contracted construction works, auctions, coal and mineral mining, and brick kiln business. The CPI (Maoist) leadership has circulated among its cadres, an extortion rate card fixing the amounts to be extorted from various groups of people. According to the card, Rs 8,000 will be extorted annually from quarries employing manual crushers, Rs 15,000 from brick-kiln owners, Rs 17,000 from quarries with mechanized crushers, Rs 25,000 from petrol pump owners and Rs 70,000 from coal sidings. It has also been revealed by some local gangsters from Orissa and Jharkhand that Naxals are using local criminals to extort money from mine owners and contractors.
Like participants in social movements, the Naxals have been seen as activists working outside the political system, fighting for a collective cause, however anyone sympathizing Naxalism need to understand that it is the Naxals who have now become a major hindrance in the development of many areas. Naxals are no champions of development. Instead, they have a vested interest in keeping poverty alive since it enables them to expand their territory. Naxal statistics spanning the last three years show that the cadres of CPI (Maoist) have attacked 316 economic targets which gave employment to thousands of local tribals. At the same these attacks have also halted progress on various economic installations and infrastructure projects. Economic targets in the first six months of this year include the communication networks, railways infrastructures, NMDC mines, Gramin Sadak Nirman Yojana works, Essar pipelines in Chhattisgarh and Orissa, and solar plates in Bihar.
The Naxal theoretical premises might look development oriented, but its practice of violence and terror is in no way contributing to the growth of the people for whom it allegedly stands. Over the years the Naxal movement has become conspiratorial and violent, relying on terror struck by its guerrilla squads, rather than peasant mobilization. On the other hand, until recently the government did not take any steps to devise a development formula for the areas where underdevelopment feeds the movement. Even if there were some poverty alleviations schemes the benefits of it were only limited to bureaucratic corruption. Now the challenge is to save the tailor made poverty alleviation schemes from the corruption of Naxalism so that the benefits of these programmes reach the people. One has to admit that without economic development, no strong-arm tactics would succeed against the Naxals. There are real dilemmas for the government because if it reduces developmental funds the Maoist will benefit by reemphasizing their rhetoric of development. At the same time, if it continues to pour in funds, the Maoist's acquire a large share of these through extortion. This is where the government needs to understand that Naxaliam is a challenge where at the policy level one security and developmental issues cannot be separated. The government will have to come up with an approach that addresses both security and development. In other words while formulating and implementing policies on Naxalism the government must not respond to the philosophy of Maoism, rather, all government initiatives must look in to the practical degeneration of the Naxal movement in India.
With the central government accepting the evils of underdevelopment in the Naxal infested regions, there is no dearth of money being pumped in for specific developmental projects. About Rs 13,000 crores has already been spent under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme between 2006-08. Recently the Government of India has approved a special development package with a budget of Rs 20,000 crore for the 33 Naxal-affected districts, along with 22 districts around Naxal infested areas. Most of the funds sanctioned for the Naxalite area are for infrastructure development, involving much construction work. The idea of Naxals acquiring government money meant for development, may seem far fetched but is in fact a true representation of the current reality. The CPI (Maoist) collects a minimum of ten to fifteen per cent of the sanctioned amount from contractors. Interestingly, it is not just the Naxals who approach contractors for money but in some cases even the contractors approach the Naxals with money. They approach the Naxals to blow up the roads built by them because inferior material had been used in their construction. Once the roads are blown up, quality inspections do not take place.
The Naxals have strategically targeted every source of wealth generation such as government-contracted construction works, auctions, coal and mineral mining, and brick kiln business. The CPI (Maoist) leadership has circulated among its cadres, an extortion rate card fixing the amounts to be extorted from various groups of people. According to the card, Rs 8,000 will be extorted annually from quarries employing manual crushers, Rs 15,000 from brick-kiln owners, Rs 17,000 from quarries with mechanized crushers, Rs 25,000 from petrol pump owners and Rs 70,000 from coal sidings. It has also been revealed by some local gangsters from Orissa and Jharkhand that Naxals are using local criminals to extort money from mine owners and contractors.
Like participants in social movements, the Naxals have been seen as activists working outside the political system, fighting for a collective cause, however anyone sympathizing Naxalism need to understand that it is the Naxals who have now become a major hindrance in the development of many areas. Naxals are no champions of development. Instead, they have a vested interest in keeping poverty alive since it enables them to expand their territory. Naxal statistics spanning the last three years show that the cadres of CPI (Maoist) have attacked 316 economic targets which gave employment to thousands of local tribals. At the same these attacks have also halted progress on various economic installations and infrastructure projects. Economic targets in the first six months of this year include the communication networks, railways infrastructures, NMDC mines, Gramin Sadak Nirman Yojana works, Essar pipelines in Chhattisgarh and Orissa, and solar plates in Bihar.
The Naxal theoretical premises might look development oriented, but its practice of violence and terror is in no way contributing to the growth of the people for whom it allegedly stands. Over the years the Naxal movement has become conspiratorial and violent, relying on terror struck by its guerrilla squads, rather than peasant mobilization. On the other hand, until recently the government did not take any steps to devise a development formula for the areas where underdevelopment feeds the movement. Even if there were some poverty alleviations schemes the benefits of it were only limited to bureaucratic corruption. Now the challenge is to save the tailor made poverty alleviation schemes from the corruption of Naxalism so that the benefits of these programmes reach the people. One has to admit that without economic development, no strong-arm tactics would succeed against the Naxals. There are real dilemmas for the government because if it reduces developmental funds the Maoist will benefit by reemphasizing their rhetoric of development. At the same time, if it continues to pour in funds, the Maoist's acquire a large share of these through extortion. This is where the government needs to understand that Naxaliam is a challenge where at the policy level one security and developmental issues cannot be separated. The government will have to come up with an approach that addresses both security and development. In other words while formulating and implementing policies on Naxalism the government must not respond to the philosophy of Maoism, rather, all government initiatives must look in to the practical degeneration of the Naxal movement in India.
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