Bombings in Jakarta

31 Jul, 2009    ·   2925

Tuli Sinha assesses the implications for Indonesian democracy of the bomb attacks in July


Tuli Sinha
Tuli Sinha
PhD Scholar
SIS, Jawaharlal Nehru University
On 17 July 2009, Jakarta was shaken with the twin terror attacks at the JW Marriott and Ritz Carlton. The bombings in the heart of Indonesia’s commercial hub came after a long hiatus since the deadly Bali bombings in 2002. Indonesia is known as a secular nation with the largest Muslim majority in the world, which has made important advances towards democratic consolidation in the years after the resignation of Suharto, but now its attention is again diverted from political development towards major domestic threats.

The 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections that saw the reelection of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono marked an important milestone as the third successive, open and democratic election of the modern era but, the recent attacks by suspected factions linked to the Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) seem to be a deliberate attempt to undermine the region’s efforts to consolidate its democratic process and become the world’s largest Muslim democracy. The bombings occurred barely two weeks after Yudhoyono won the presidential elections on 7 July and deals a blow to Indonesia’s reputation for successful counter-terrorism in recent years.

Historically, myriad factors can be held responsible for Indonesia’s transformation into a terrorist hotbed. First, Indonesia’s attractiveness to Islamist terrorist groups was a gradual process that was instigated primarily due to a relatively weak central government control and considerable social and political instability. Moreover, the financial disparity among its population, especially post the 1997-1999 Asian economic crises left a certain section of the society vulnerable to unrest.

Second, the replacement of the authoritarian regime of Suharto in 1998, which had been in power since 1965, with a more democratic but weaker central government undermined its ability to marginalize Islamist elements within Indonesian society. Indonesia’s former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, who was under pressure from Islamic political parties, condemned anti-American violence and pledged to protect US assets and citizens but also publicly opposed the US-led military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Third, the election of Yudhoyono in 2004, led the Indonesian central government to be both more assertive and effective in its counter-terrorism activities which increased the Muslim-Christian strife in the country’s remote regions. This internal conflict has attracted the involvement of foreign Islamist radicals, including, some with Al Qaeda connections. Although the overwhelming majority of Muslim Indonesians follow a moderate form of Islam, fundamentalist Islamic theology is growing in popularity in Indonesia, and radical groups have grown in influence by taking advantage of the country’s internal problems.

Lastly, the US-led campaign against terrorism and the war in Iraq have had negative political resonance in Indonesia. While 95 per cent of Indonesians support religious tolerance, about three per cent still support bombings and attacks against non-Muslims. Though a small percentage, this is a large number of individuals in a nation of some 235 million people.

Presently, Indonesia is at a juncture where the democratic shift is seeing consolidation within state institutions. The latest onslaught is a signal to the Yudhoyono government that the forces attempting to destabilize the country are yet to be quelled. A lot depends on how the state responds to the current attack, weathers the current storm and stays the course to reemerge as a pivotal regional player. One should not forget that it is not so much its own merits but other factors which have worked in favour of the Yudhoyono government. First, there definitely was a weak opposition and second, the global slump in oil and food prices proved beneficial for Indonesian citizens. However, to be fair the government has also played a positive role in the region. Economically, five years ago violent separatists threatened Indonesia’s integrity, homegrown terrorists sowed chaos, piracy thrived in the Straits of Malacca and the economy was still reeling from the devastating 1998 Asian financial crisis. But Indonesia today is among the world’s most vibrant and stable democracies and one of the few economies predicted to grow by more than four per cent in 2009. Although, the aftereffects of the latest attacks on the national economy, including the tourism industry has been negative, the country managed as losses were pared eventually and investors remained optimistic about the country's economic and political prospects.


To conclude, Indonesia has made progress but it needs a greater push to capitalize on the changes begun since its transition to democracy. Unlike other regional success stories Indonesia lacks a national spur to goad it forward. It faces no outside threat, as did South Korea or Taiwan and as a new nation it has no glorious past to live up to such as China or India. What Indonesia possesses is vast natural resources, a large cheap workforce, a strategic location and an open and stable political system. Such potential should be enough to motivate a nation towards a bigger dream by utilizing its strengths. Whether the ‘thinking general’ as Yudhoyono is known, can transform the dreams into reality is yet to be seen. In the wake of the recent terror attacks, its time for Indonesia to also lead the way in Southeast Asia in crushing terrorism in the garb of religion. Hopefully, the present government will realize the serious responsibilities of providing a terror-free environment for developing Indonesia into a successful democratic power in the region.
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