Crushing Democracy in Myanmar
20 May, 2009 · 2872
Loveleen Kaur calls for more active participation by the international community in reviving democracy in the country
Aung San Suu Kyi is a living symbol of democracy and hope in Myanmar. In last two decades the military junta has kept her under house arrest for more than thirteen long years. At a time when she was about to be released after completing her house arrest term on 27 May 2009, a new allegation of breach of detention has provided the excuse for the junta to charge her and to extend house arrest thereby crushing any hopes for democracy.
Suu Kyi is barred from meeting any visitor without the junta’s permission. It is well known that how diplomats and foreign delegates have been denied access to meet her. The recent fear of her further detention looms large over the issue of allegedly meeting an American man John William Yettaw, who swam secretly across the lake of Inya. Sources close to Suu Kyi denied her doing anything illegal or wrong to be charged as the American man was a stranger and had made an accidental entry without anyone’s knowledge and refused to leave for two days before he was arrested. Though world leaders including the British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton and Australian Foreign Minister, Stephen Smith, have ridiculed the charges as baseless and demanded immediate release of Suu Kyi, the junta seems to be determined to put her behind bars so that she is not able to campaign and participate in the much awaited junta promised fresh elections in 2010 hence not to allow any democratic movement to usher in.
Without any regard for human rights and freedom of expression, the junta has ruled the country in iron hands. From the event of Four Eights Uprising (8 August 1988) to the crackdown on Monks in 2007 and dealing with last year’s Cyclone Nargis, the junta has shown its utter disregard for democratic values and international norms of rights, justice and public accountability. While in the 1988 uprising the junta involvement resulted in the death of more than three thousand civilian protestors, the 2007 crackdown ended with deaths of more than a hundred people including many monks and recently during the 2008 cyclone it did not allow foreign aid and volunteers to enter the country till the death toll reached more than a hundred thousand.
Located on the cusp of South Asia and Southeast Asia, this multiethnic country with an estimated population of 56 million has been an international embarrassment for its record in human rights and treatment of political opponents. In this critical juncture where the last hope of democracy is being crushed, it is important to understand who among the all the stakeholders in the region can play a decisive role in bringing the junta to the negotiating table and facilitating the release of Suu Kyi.
In the past, the ASEAN despite its principle of non-intervention was successful in keeping Myanmar out of the ASEAN Chair but this has not in any way contributed to the democratic movement in the country. The EU sanctions that are in place since 2006 to limit diplomatic engagement and the US’ following a strict economic sanction policy have not been able to achieve anything in regard to the democratisation process in the country. In turn the junta has turned defensive in its actions and has dared any criticism and sanctions.
The UN has done nothing more than giving regular calls to the junta to engage with the pro-democracy forces. China and Russia have considered this as an internal matter of the country so both have not agreed with the ‘sanctions model’ to deal with the situation. China in fact has emerged to be the largest trading partner and the most important strategic partner of Myanmar.
India with initial support to the pro-democracy movement and reluctance to engage with the military government recently has gone ahead to embrace the junta led Myanmar as a strategic partner. This is clearly a policy departure where New Delhi is focussed on balancing Chinese influence in the region rather than playing any role in facilitating the release of Ms. Suu Kyi.
All these efforts altogether have contributed to the divergent approaches where the increasing need is to deal with the situation in a convergent and collective manner. When everything from strong words, international condemnations to harsh sanctions have failed to bring the junta to the table, it would not be unwise to think that an alternative and inclusive approach of collective engagement of all stakeholders with the junta has the potential to achieve the desired objective. The UN has to take the urgent initiative and a visit by Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, should be able to break the ice.
Suu Kyi is barred from meeting any visitor without the junta’s permission. It is well known that how diplomats and foreign delegates have been denied access to meet her. The recent fear of her further detention looms large over the issue of allegedly meeting an American man John William Yettaw, who swam secretly across the lake of Inya. Sources close to Suu Kyi denied her doing anything illegal or wrong to be charged as the American man was a stranger and had made an accidental entry without anyone’s knowledge and refused to leave for two days before he was arrested. Though world leaders including the British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton and Australian Foreign Minister, Stephen Smith, have ridiculed the charges as baseless and demanded immediate release of Suu Kyi, the junta seems to be determined to put her behind bars so that she is not able to campaign and participate in the much awaited junta promised fresh elections in 2010 hence not to allow any democratic movement to usher in.
Without any regard for human rights and freedom of expression, the junta has ruled the country in iron hands. From the event of Four Eights Uprising (8 August 1988) to the crackdown on Monks in 2007 and dealing with last year’s Cyclone Nargis, the junta has shown its utter disregard for democratic values and international norms of rights, justice and public accountability. While in the 1988 uprising the junta involvement resulted in the death of more than three thousand civilian protestors, the 2007 crackdown ended with deaths of more than a hundred people including many monks and recently during the 2008 cyclone it did not allow foreign aid and volunteers to enter the country till the death toll reached more than a hundred thousand.
Located on the cusp of South Asia and Southeast Asia, this multiethnic country with an estimated population of 56 million has been an international embarrassment for its record in human rights and treatment of political opponents. In this critical juncture where the last hope of democracy is being crushed, it is important to understand who among the all the stakeholders in the region can play a decisive role in bringing the junta to the negotiating table and facilitating the release of Suu Kyi.
In the past, the ASEAN despite its principle of non-intervention was successful in keeping Myanmar out of the ASEAN Chair but this has not in any way contributed to the democratic movement in the country. The EU sanctions that are in place since 2006 to limit diplomatic engagement and the US’ following a strict economic sanction policy have not been able to achieve anything in regard to the democratisation process in the country. In turn the junta has turned defensive in its actions and has dared any criticism and sanctions.
The UN has done nothing more than giving regular calls to the junta to engage with the pro-democracy forces. China and Russia have considered this as an internal matter of the country so both have not agreed with the ‘sanctions model’ to deal with the situation. China in fact has emerged to be the largest trading partner and the most important strategic partner of Myanmar.
India with initial support to the pro-democracy movement and reluctance to engage with the military government recently has gone ahead to embrace the junta led Myanmar as a strategic partner. This is clearly a policy departure where New Delhi is focussed on balancing Chinese influence in the region rather than playing any role in facilitating the release of Ms. Suu Kyi.
All these efforts altogether have contributed to the divergent approaches where the increasing need is to deal with the situation in a convergent and collective manner. When everything from strong words, international condemnations to harsh sanctions have failed to bring the junta to the table, it would not be unwise to think that an alternative and inclusive approach of collective engagement of all stakeholders with the junta has the potential to achieve the desired objective. The UN has to take the urgent initiative and a visit by Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, should be able to break the ice.
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