Fewer than 2,000 people are at the centre of what is developing into a hotly-debated concern and a uniquely contentious issue capable of causing much unpleasantness between India and Pakistan. The fate of Pakistan’s displaced religious minorities who, having escaped fighting in the NWFP and Malakand Division and the Taliban’s imposition of jazia (tax) in the Orakzai agency and subsequent destruction of Sikh-owned properties there, have sought shelter in temples and gurudwaras instead of state- and relief agency-managed IDP camps has the capacity to evolve into a crisis with far-reaching implications.

Till a year ago, the 1,200 odd Sikhs from Orakzai who have taken refuge in Punja Sahib Gurdwara, felt little or no threat from the Taliban if reports are to be believed. The situation has dipped sharply since. In 2008 as well, Christian, Hindu and Sikh families had migrated from Dara Adam Khel when forced to pay jazia. In January, five Hindu families from Orakzai and Swat Valley, totaling 35 people, sought asylum in India. They followed four other families that migrated in October 2008. They claim that 25 more families are waiting in Peshawar for their papers to come through. The 1200 Sikhs currently stranded in Hassanabdal are reportedly looking for safe passage to India. The minority exodus has been thin and steady but can become a deluge.

India has been explicit in its support for these displaced minorities and has clearly stated its stand against the imposition of jazia only to incite an official response stating that Pakistan’s minorities are a subject of the Pakistani state and not a concern of India’s. The Indian Prime Minister said on 11 May, that the government has already formally taken up the matter concerning the Sikhs from Orakzai with its Pakistani counterpart. While these statements of support might be the fallout of the electoral politics and pressure being put by the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC), the highest religious body of Sikhs, the issue has more than one spiked edge and could put India in an uncomfortable diplomatic spot. Jammu has witnessed protests against the condition of the displaced Sikh families and there is no guarantee that they will not spread.

Meanwhile, Pakistan, reeling under a displacement crisis already has over 110,000 IDPs from Buner, Swat, Lower Dir and Orakzai living in overflowing relief camps. Another 300,000 are said to on the move to register at camps and the figures are expected to touch a whopping 800,000 in the coming months. In such a precarious situation, it would be foolhardy to expect blatantly preferential treatment for one set of people over another.

However, there is a long-term stake for Pakistan in protecting its minorities, which though an Islamic state has constitutional provisions under Article 20 that state that minorities, totaling to less than four per cent of its population, have the right to profess and practice their religion without any discrimination. Moreover, Pakistan, till date has tried to project an image of a modern Islamic state and if it fails to guarantee freedom from persecution to its minorities, that have contributed substantially to its rich cultural heritage, it fails in upholding even the idea of that modern image and remains no different from the declared fundamentalist states. The minorities today face the same fate as that suffered by Buddhist relics of Swat Valley and the decimated Hindu and pagan relics across the plains. If they perish or leave in face of the dangers they face, they take with them the character of a society discussed as warm, hospitable and culturally diverse. They, like minorities anywhere else in the world, are symbolic of the state’s ability, or in this case failure to provide them a safe and secure environment, in turn highlighting its inherent weakness and indifference.

Another warning sign of is the fact that for the first time, due to its consistent shaky record of minority rights, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom has put Pakistan on its watch list as a “Country of Particular Concern.” This seemingly minor development has wider repercussions. So far, Pakistan, a US ally had not been made a part of this list that includes Iran, Iraq, Vietnam and North Korea. The fact that there is now international recognition of Pakistan’s imperfect minority protection record adds to the performance pressure on Islamabad. With the US making it clear that aid will not be given to Pakistan blindly, having a black mark on its human rights record will not help a weak government. The annihilation of its minorities will only make that mark indelible. Moreover, India can gain both domestic and international mileage by extending its help and providing shelter to the stranded minorities, desperate for succour. If Islamabad wants to save face and preserve elements that can help it rebuild a strong and robust democracy it has to act to save its minorities.