Despite the backdrop of Naxal terror, a notable trend emerging in Bihar is the rejection of the Ranveer Sena, the largest upper caste militia, by the younger generation among the upper castes. Underlying social fissures coupled with economic changes brought about by the implementation of new schemes by the state and central governments can be largely held responsible for the weakening of the Ranveer Sena. This in turn is creating a new social order more accommodative of other castes, especially the Scheduled Castes who were the main recruits of the Naxal groups in Bihar. 

It is interesting to analyze the weakening of the upper caste militias in the state. In the late 1960s, the upper caste landholders formed private militas or senas to contain Naxal groups and protect the land holding of the upper castes. Different sections of the upper castes organized their own militas - the Rajputs formed the Kuer Sena in 1969 and Sunlight Sena in 1988; the Brahmins set up the Ganga Sena; and the Bhumihars formed the Brahmarshi Sena in 1981 and Savarna Liberation Front in 1990. By the 1980s as animosities grew between the Naxalites and the elite castes, a deep polarization in community consciousness occurred. This led to the establishment of the Ranveer Sena.  

The Ranveer Sena was born in 1994 with the support of all upper caste landowners in Bhojpur. It first made international headlines in July 1996 with its attack on Bathani Tola. The Ranveer Sena chief Brahmeshwar Singh, was the mastermind behind 36 massacres that left at least 400 persons dead over the nest six years, including 63 Dalits in a single strike at Lakshmanpur-Bathe in 1997. The Ranveer Sena was also involved in several massacres of Dalits in central Bihar. These included the incidents in Lakshmanpur-Bathe, Mianpur (36), Shankarbigha (18), Sarthua (8), Nagari (10), Haibaspur (15), Bathani Thola (21) and Santani (13). These villages are located in Bhojpur, Jehanabad and Gaya districts of central Bihar. The history of Bihar, for more than two decades, has witnessed the massacres of rural and poor Dalit castes by various landlord armies and vice versa. 

However, differences between the upper castes soon appeared especially between the Rajputs and Bhumihars. Informed sources in Jehanabad said that the Ranvir Sena faced its stiffest battle within the organization. These sources claim that infighting has weakened the central authority. Ironically, the Ranveer Sena was started by the Bhumihars and the Rajputs, two caste groups that traditionally never saw eye to eye, to fight the Naxalites. The findings of the Mandal Commission and their common fight against the Naxalites brought the two rival castes together. They had similar interests, linked to their close proximity with land. 

With the political changes in the state, fissures reappeared between the two castes. The Bhumihar community is happy with the Nitish Government. It has acquired a share of power in the government, but the Rajputs are disheartened with the present regime and looking for a political space after the Nitish government. The different political goals of the two castes have directly affected the working of the Ranveer Sena. The Rajput community has distanced itself and stopped paying donations to finance the Ranveer Sena against the Naxalites.

Second, the acute poverty and unemployment among the upper castes has rapidly increased, with the number of landlords among the upper castes declining. Many of them have migrated to cities to save the next generation from the violent conditions in the villages. This has weakened the structure of the upper castes. With the centralized power structures weakening new power centers have appeared consisting of the lower castes. 

The younger generation from the upper castes has undergone much economic hardship. Joint families have divided, reducing the land holdings further and overnment jobs are very few. This socioeconomic change in the state has reduced the zamindari status of the upper castes, leading to the beginnings of a new, social order, based on accommodating all the castes. The beginning of this new social order has made the upper caste militias irrelevant, but it also challenges the Naxal outfits. In addition, the recruitment of Naxal cadres among the Dalits has also reduced. While before, many were forced into a criminal career by the oppressive social order leaving their families to suffer in the villages, today the younger generations of scheduled castes are finding economic activities and peace in their villages with their families. They do not want to be hunted by the police nor coerced into joining Naxal outfits. This new social order that can be noticed in many districts of Bihar will weaken the roots of the Naxal movement and create a better situation in Bihar.