The present security discourse in Japan, seeking 'normalcy', has its roots in the post-World War II reforms and remilitarization that took place during the occupation era. Since then, while the conservative and nationalist factions in Japanese politics have been pushing for constitutional amendment - with a prime focus on Article 9 and are seeking to convert its Self-Defense Forces (SDF) into a normal military force, the progressives have opposed such moves. Following the departure of Junichiro Koizumi and the exit of Shinzo Abe as Prime Ministers, and the pressures for survival on the current incumbent, Yasuo Fukuda, such an amendment now appears to be a distant dream. Nevertheless, such a possibility in the future cannot be ruled out completely.

Drawing lessons from the past, one can assume that the public attitude towards expansion and strengthening of the SDF has changed. The Japanese, for example, accepted Yasuhiro Nakasone, who had earlier served as the Director General of the Japan Defense Agency (JDA), as their Prime Minister. Another major shift in Japanese security, foreign policy and public attitudes came when Japanese troops were sent for UNPKO missions in the early 1990s. Further, the decision to send Japanese troops to Afghanistan and Iraq has triggered several debates among the strategic community. Public opposition too has declined significantly over a period of time. Taken together, this process is regarded by strategic experts as part of the erosion of the anti-militaristic sentiment in Japan.

Particularly after 9/11, pragmatic Japanese policymakers have exploited each and every opportunity to show solidarity with the victims of terrorist attacks. They have provided relief measures, participated in reconstruction work and sent troops to assist US-led forces in Afghanistan and Iraq. Several laws have been passed, empowering the SDF and Coast Guard. The creation of a full-fledged Ministry of Defense (MOD) to replace the JDA, in spite of raised eyebrows abroad, was another major step.

The Japanese government has however, so far, denied the demand of the MOD to enhance its defense budget. Attempts are on to downsize the SDF and the defense budget has been cut down compared to previous years. This was on account of cost-cutting measures adopted by the government in general and the ongoing economic reforms. At present, Japan's defense budget is about US$45 billion. Despite the one per cent ceiling, which mandates that less than one percent of the GDP be spent on defence, Japan's defence budget is larger than that of any other Asian country, except for China. Nevertheless, a major portion of this budget is spent on salaries and infrastructure. In terms of technology and R&D, Japan is not far behind its Western European counterparts and is keen to assert itself in world politics.

The geostrategic location of Japan, its quest for energy security, reliance on imports for long-term sustainability and its export-oriented economy make Japan more susceptible to external disruption and threats and therefore, justify its strong defensive capabilities. The present global order, persistence of terrorist threats and hostile neighbours make Japan vulnerable to the unseen and otherwise less-anticipated threats.

Meanwhile, there can be no denying that Japan is dependent on the US for its security needs. Despite the Japanese principles of non-production, non-introduction and non-possession of nuclear weapons, many nuclear-powered submarines, destroyers and nuclear weapons have been deployed in and around areas occupied by the United States Forces in Japan (USFJ). Japanese policy is often criticized by peace activists because it flouts several constitutional and legal provisions. Japan hosts a number of US troops on its soil and even pays for the maintenance of military bases which has angered both, its neighbours and pacifists. Japan thus, enjoys the US nuclear umbrella as well as a 'cheap ride' (if not a 'free ride') as far as its security requirements are concerned. Despite this, some Japanese strategic experts are of the opinion that Japan should have its own nuclear weapons.

At present, the overall situation in Japan's neighbourhood seems to be positive, with North Korea agreeing to forego its nuclear plans and open its nuclear establishments to IAEA inspections. Naval ships from both China and Japan have visited each other's shores for the first time since World War II and both countries have agreed to jointly explore the East China Sea. This marks an all-time high in Japan-China relations.

Nevertheless, the Japanese government will need to continue with long-term measures that can promote both Japan's comprehensive security quest and its international stature. Japan has resumed refueling activities in the Indian Ocean after terminating them last year. However, the US demand for sending SDF troops to Afghanistan has been denied, even as Japan has pledged to continue its air support mission in Iraq until July 2008 and reconstruction work for an even longer period.

However, the turbulent domestic political scene is likely to slow down Japan's moves towards normalcy. The opposition, led by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has emerged as a strong domestic political force, and with its majority in the Upper House of the Diet, has restricted the government's ability to carry out its security plans. Pragmatism remains the only solace for Japanese policymakers.