Ethnic Nationalities and the Myanmar Question

12 Dec, 2007    ·   2441

Report of the Meeting held at the IPCS on 27 November 2007


Report of the Meeting held at the IPCS on 27 November 2007

Members of the Delegation of the Ethnic Nationalities Council of Burma (ENC)

Dr. Lian H Sakhong General Secretary, ENC
Harn Yawnghwe Director, Euro-Burma Office and Advisor, ENC
Saw David Taw Joint Secretary, ENC
Dr. Sui Khar Chair, Foreign Affairs Committee, ENC

Lian H Sakhong

The ENC is a political organization, an alliance of seven ethnic states in Burma. Burma is a multiethnic country, but also multi-confessional and "multi-historical", as, for example, the Shan and Myanmar kingdoms were separate states before the colonization by the British.

In 1947-48, when Burma got independent, the ethnic groups faced three choices:
- remain an English colony, an idea proposed by Winston Churchill as Grand Colonial Scheme;
- gain independence individually, an idea proposed by Stevenson;
- join the Burmese independent movement, which was the offer made by Gen. Aung San, and formalised by the Panglong Conference in February 1947.

The Panglong Conference rests on three principles: equality, voluntary association, democracy. However, Aung San was assassinated just a few months after the conference, in July 1947, and Burma did not become the expected federal system, but a mixture of federalism and of a unified system. Because of this constitutional problems, insurgency started in 1948, a civil war so soon after independence. Later on, when Buddhism was promulgated as state religion, Chins and Kachins took arms (1961).

Nevertheless, ethnic groups are still hoping for a peaceful transition based on the Panglong Agreement signed on 12 February 1947 and on a federal system. The ethnic groups are not secessionist, but ethnic issues are rooted in a constitutional problem, showing that Burma is not simply about a military vs. democracy conflict. United Nations General Assembly resolutions have calling for a tripartite dialogue since 1994.

The ENC includes political parties, armed groups, women's organizations, youth organizations. It works as an "ethnic parliament" to which local councils send representatives. The ENC is fully aware that armed conflict is not the solution and that only dialogue can bring peace and democracy.

Some say that democracy in Burma will lead to disintegration of the country. However, this is nothing but propaganda, knowing that the ethnic groups are not secessionist. Moreover, they are not fighting against each other nor against the Burman, but only the regime and its unjust constitutional order. Therefore, the fight is not horizontal, but vertical.

Sui Khar

In the recent protests, we have seen that the army is particularly brutal, and that protests also took place in the countryside.

Two different groups are generally identified in Burma: the Burmans, and the ethnic nationalities. The ethnic groups represent about 40 percent of the population, but cover around 60 percent of the territory of Burma, while the "dominant society" occupies only 40 percent of the land. Is 40 percent of the population a majority issue?

In this regard, the dominant society acts as the successor of the colonizer, which fuels the insurgency, started by the Mon, Arakan and Karen (1948), later joined the Shan (1958), and then by the Kachin (1961) and Chin (1962).

During World War II, the ethnic groups remained loyal to the British and did not seek support from Japan, unlike Burmans. The attempt by ethnic groups to amend the Constitution is qualified by the army as an attempt to disintegrate the nation. But for the army, unity means uniformity.

Harn Yawnghwe

The work of the ENC is to try and prepare the ethnic groups for a transition, as well as to engage in policy dialogue. The ENC has briefed the EU and the UN (Gambari, Razari), among others. There is a national reconciliation program since 1999. But in a tripartite dialogue, the ethnic groups are more divided than the National League for Democracy or the army.

The army has obviously no real intention of giving up power. It is just trying to buy time. Then why should we hope for dialogue? This is because it seems to be the most viable solution. An uprising could happen, but we cannot bank on it; armed struggle has been going on for decades and has not brought much; an internal coup could also happen, but it would be very hard, and is thus very unlikely. Today, a dialogue is taking place because of international pressure. The attack on monks was a big mistake for the military, because it has brought an international consensus on the fact that the situation in Burma must change. However, the NLD and the ethnic groups must make realistic demands for the dialogue to work.

What is the motivation for Burma's neighbours to engage the military? It is economy and stability oriented. But if they want long term benefits, stability inside Burma is also needed.

What can be a transition plan? Today, the NLD is not a functioning party. Gambari's mandate is not very strong. A UNSC resolution would first be jeopardize by the Chinese and Russian veto, and if it is passed, it does not mean the generals will obey. Thus, a UNSC resolution should be used as a threat, but not implemented. Nevertheless, Russia should not be excluded from multiparty talks, otherwise they will be the spoiler.

A better solution would be for Burma's neighbours to support the UN and include the military in dialogue. In addition, the military should be made accountable by a international mechanism that would oversee the process.

Ethnic groups are advising Gambari. It does not include the SPDC, who claims it is a foreigners' conspiracy. The dialogue does not aim at destroying the military but help them work out a transition.

China would accept because of its underdeveloped South-West. India and China have common needs: stability and a long term transition in Burma. Recently, gas was sold to China at a price lower than what India was offering. The India-Burma relation is in a lose-lose situation today.

DISCUSSION

What are Suu Kyi and the SPDC discussing?

Nothing substantial yet. The SPDC set preconditions to the talks, and it is still unsure how she will react. Officially, Suu Kyi has never asked for sanctions although she supports them.
There is the question of the 1/90 order, which was issued by the army when they lost the 1990 elections but later never applied.

What is ENC's response to India's infrastructure program in Burma?

Burma has always been a hurdle in regional connectivity. An India-Burma-Thailand highway would have to go through the ethnic groups' areas, which is not a problem if the military discusses these issues with local ethnic groups.

The Kachins have a ceasefire since 1995. They went to the National Convention, made demands, nothing happened. Now, Chinese are worried about having a border with the Kachins. It is doubtful whether the Chinese will be able to influence the junta.

With the military, nothing goes to the locals. Today, there is no uniform ceasefire, nothing too formalised, nothing really written, although there is not so much fighting.

When the eastern pipeline was constructed, whole villages were relocated. However, now the American Corporation that built the pipeline has been taken to court and must pay US$30 million.

What is the relation of the ENC with the pro-democracy movement, and mainly, the NLD?

There is good understanding between the pro-democracy movement and the ethnic groups. On 15 July 1989, the United Nationalities League for Democracy was founded. It won 69 seats in the 1990 elections. We struggle side by side, as our ultimate goal is similar. We have been working together closely in drafting a new constitution. When the exiled government was formed in 1992, the ethnic groups signed the agreement.

Is it possible to distinguish between the Chinese central government's involvement in Myanmar and that of the Yunnan provincial government's involvement?

It is the central government at Beijing that lays down the policy and the provincial government at Kunming that implements it. Chinese commpanies involved in Burma are Yunnanese companies and they are involved in infrastructure projects such as hydroelectric power generation.

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