Field Marshal Ayub Khan firmly believed that Pakistan was not ready for democracy. After assuming the Presidency in October 1958, he instituted Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO) in August 1959, disqualifying a large number of politicians from electoral activity and introduced 'Basic Democracy.' However, this denial was not liked by the people who demanded 'full democracy' through direct elections. The Field Marshal records in his diaries published in 2007 that the EBDO had to be ended in December 1966 but the unrest continued. The opposition parties met in Dacca in January 1969 and demanded elections based on adult franchise. Ayub decided not to continue as President and wrote to General Yahya in March 1969 that the civilian machinery has ceased to be effective and that it was necessary for him to step aside and hand over to him.

Gen. Yahya Khan obviously believed in democracy. On 13 April 1969, Ayub records, "General Yahya has stated that, at an appropriate time, elections will be held on the basis of adult franchise" Elections were held on 7 December 1970. Mujib-ur-Rehman of the Awami League emerged the winner with 160 out of the total of 300 seats of National Assembly. Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) won 81 seats only. The National Assembly convened on 3 March 1971 was boycotted by Bhutto. The rest is history. We do not need to go into the break away of East Pakistan and establishment of Bangladesh. What is relevant here is that democratic governments were established in both Pakistan and Bangladesh.

In Pakistan, Bhutto was sworn in as President and convened the National Assembly on 4 April 1972. A new constitution was authenticated on 20 October 1972. Bhutto's era lasted for five years or so during which the government of Balochistan was dismissed and the government of NWFP resigned. He was working towards making Pakistan into a one party state. The March 1977 elections put his 'Peoples Party' in total command with 155 seats against Pakistan National Alliances 36. The Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) cried foul and took to the streets. The Army, under General Zia-ul-Haq, intervened and took Bhutto and the leader of PNA into custody on 5 July 1977. The general assumed power.

Zia was in power until he died in an air crash on 17 August 1988. However, to contain political unrest that was surfacing, he had held elections in February 1985 for the national as well as provincial assemblies. Political parties were revived. Prime Minister Mohammed Khan Junejo established a federal cabinet on 28 January 1986. Nevertheless, Zia was unhappy over the PM asserting his authority and got an opportunity to dismiss him over 11 April 1986 Ojra Ammunition Depot explosion.

When Gen Zia-ul-Haq died in an air crash on 17 August 1988, Aslam Beg, the Vice Chief of Army Staff (COAS), called on the Chairman of the Senate, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, to take over as President. A power sharing 'Troika' made up of the President, the COAS and the Prime Minister was agreed upon. Benazir Bhutto, the leader of the largest political party was appointed the Prime Minister.

Between 1988 and 1999 four elections were held and four elected governments alternated between Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. The 'Troika' operated. The world was justified in calling this a military controlled democracy. Anyway it ended due to a clumsy attempt by Nawaz Sharif, the then Prime Minister to oust the COAS, General Pervez Musharraf, who had foisted the Kargil fiasco on him. On 12 October 1999, he denied the facility to land the plane bringing Musharraf back from an official visit to Sri Lanka. The Army ensured that the plane landed at Karachi, took over the TV Station, house arrested Nawaz Sharif and took over power. The judiciary legitimized Musharraf's coup under the doctrine of necessity.

After 8 years in power, Musharraf's term as the President in uniform holding the dual post of the President as well as the COAS neared its end. On 6 October 2007 a vast majority of the members of the two houses voted his re-election for a fresh term. Although he announced that he would shed his uniform and resign from the post of COAS, it was certain that the estranged judiciary would hold his election invalid. Musharraf's hand was thus forced to impose emergency on 3 November 2007 as chaos and breakdown of law and order was inevitable. The choice was between martial law and emergency.

It is a good development that Nawaz Sharif has been allowed come back to Lahore and is to file his nomination papers. Benazir has already done so. Musharraf is to be a civilian President on 29 November and elections are scheduled for 8 January 2008. Democracy is getting another chance in Pakistan. India wishes it success.