Can Jaafari Fulfill Iraqi's Expectations?

13 Apr, 2005    ·   1696

Anil Kamboj writes about the Kurdish man who will lead Iraq and the task of his new government


More than two months after Iraqis risked their lives to vote, the country's first freely elected government in fifty years finally took place. One of Suddam Hussain's most implacable enemies, Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, took his oath as interim President of Iraq along with his two deputies, Shiite Islamist Adel Abdel Mehdi, who was Finance Minister in the out going government, and Sunni Arab Ghazi al-Yawar who was the Interim President. The deadlock could be broken after a compromise, that Kurds drop their immediate demand that the oil-rich city of Kirkuk be added to autonomous section of Iraq, and Shiite Arab would not insist on dismantling the Kurds peshmerga militia. The two main political powers have deferred these and other difficult issues for the time being.

It is for the first time in Iraq's history, that a Kurd took the oath as President. Seventy one year- old Talabani, a former Kurdish guerrilla leader, also became the first non-Arab to hold the position of President of an Arab state. Under the Iraq's Transitional Administrative Law (TAL), the President and the two Vice Presidents form the Presidency Council. Their appointment required two-third votes in Parliament. The Presidency Council, in turn, unanimously appoints the Prime Minister, who in turn names his cabinet. On 7 April 2004 the Presidency Council immediately named Shiite Arab leader Ibrahim al-Jaafari as interim Prime Minister of Iraq.

Born in 1947, in Karbala, Jaafari earned his medical degree in 1974 and joined the Islamist Da'wa Party in 1960. In 1970, Da'wa fought a bloody campaign against Saddam regime. He fled to Iran in 1980s and in 1989 settled down in London. In 1999, he said that the people should unite and should do what they can to topple the dictatorship that had been imposed by Saddam. There should be a constitution based multiparty system. He was opposed to the sanctions imposed which he felt had contributed to the Iraqi people's suffering, rather than alleviating it. He was also opposed to link his party to the Islamic Leadership in Iran.

In April 2002, Jaafari was still opposed to the US invasion of Iraq. He believed that the solution would not come from abroad, but rather from inside Iraq. He later joined the US-appointed Iraqi Governing Council in July 2003, and acted as the Council's first rotational President. He was one of the first to call for nation wide elections in Iraq. In February 2004, Jaafari took lead in trying to heal Shiite rift that remerged between SCIRI and rebel cleric Muqtada al-Sadr by calling for a united stand. He was subsequently appointed interim Vice President in July 2004. He supported the need for security and imposition of martial law as an interim necessity under the current situation. He has strong relations with Sistani but may not agree to all demands of Sistani. Jaafari stood in support of TAL despite Sistani's objection to it. He believes that Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds are three main components of Iraqi society.

The new government's main task will be to draft a permanent Constitution before 15 August 2005 and get it passed by referendum by two-third majority by 15 October 2005 and followed by elections in December. Hence Jaafari has to be careful in choosing his cabinet so that there is no opposition from within. His cabinet should include efficient technocrats and nationalists with a clean history. He would have a long list of names to be included in the Government as all ethnic groups have to be kept happy. He may keep about twenty five posts reserved for women who may play an important role. Framing of Constitution may not be easy; Shiite clerics want the constitution to reflect Islamic principles and may seek to suppress the Sunni Baathists. Kurds want autonomy control of oil-rich Kirkuk and their own militias. He might push for greater role for religion in the country. The internal security will be his prime concern. The Government may propose an amnesty for insurgents and call for reconciliation with the country's former Sunni elite. They have to find a kind of consensus among themselves. Sheikh Mahamedawi, is opposed to Talabani's election because he is a Kurd and is also against quota system. Sunni MPs have described this system as establishing a Lebanese style political system dominated by sectarian loyalties. Demand by Moqtada Sadar for withdrawal of US forces may not be immediately met as it is likely that they may stay more for at least a year plus though Washington may reduce their strength inside Iraq.

Jaafari will have a lot of challenges specially dealing with fractious Parliament groups such as Kurds and groups associated with Allawi who would resist his policy proposals. Jaafari commands wide spread respect and has the ability to unite these groups. Though the world would be expecting a lot but a fair chance has to be given by the people to Jaafari to prove his worth and should not start predicting even before the government has started functioning.

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