On 18 October 2004, Time [Asia]'s online edition carried an interview of the Dalai Lama by Alex Perry in which he said, "So if we remain within China, we might get a greater benefit, provided it respects our culture and beautiful environment and gives us some guarantee." The attention paid to the two page interview reveals that the world and India have shown negligence in monitoring the Tibetan community and its leadership's pronouncements. What the Dalai Lama said in the interview was nothing different from what he had said earlier.

This could either be a result of a lack of interest or fear of annoying Beijing. However, what the intellectual community and security analysts in India must understand is that keeping track of developments in the Tibetan community and its leadership's pronouncements would help the Indian government make realistic assessments on the ground situation and formulate appropriate responses.

The Dalai Lama's efforts to find a solution to the question of Tibet and at the same time adhere to Buddhist principles has led to his conjuring an amicable solution to the vexed question of Tibet, which seeks to provide a "win-win" solution for both parties involved in the dispute. Shunning violence in all its forms and adopting the "Middle Path policy" (also the stated position of the Tibetan government in exile, based in Dharamsala), can be said to be a mix of idealism and realism in an age when people around the world are taking to arms in order to be heard. The Time interview reinforces the Dalai Lama's stated stance on the role of dialogue, mutual understanding and harmony in resolving conflicts as well as fostering interfaith coexistence.

On the renewed contact with Beijing three years ago, he says that "We're not expecting some major breakthrough...China is over-suspicious". China has laid three preconditions to any dialogue, reiterated as late as 19 October 2004 by the Foreign ministry spokeswoman, Zhang Ziyue: Give up pursuit of independence; Stop separatist activities; Declare Tibet as well as Taiwan as 'inalienable' parts of China.

The Dalai Lama obviously faces constraint from the Tibetan populace who have grudgingly compromised with the Dalai Lama's demand for 'genuine autonomy' (in an area including the present Tibetan Autonomous Region and the traditional provinces of Kham and Amdo, presently incorporated into parts of Chinese provinces of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu and Yunan) to acquiesce to the third precondition. Thus, in various interviews, the Dalai Lama has reiterated the importance of the need to forget history and approach the future with an open mind.

On the second precondition, there were some efforts from the government in Dharamsala to tone down protests against Beijing. The Prime Minister, Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche of the exile government called on Tibet support groups around the world to refrain from angering China. The first precondition was met way back in 1988 when the Dalai Lama renounced independence in favour of 'genuine autonomy' before the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

Beijing has shown immense sensitivity and suspicion over the Dalai Lama's proclamations as rhetoric, something the leader has recognised and tried to address. At 69, the issue of "what after his death" is often considered. He has said in the interview, "it is the issue of a nation, as long as the nation remains, the issue remains". Probably his other statement in the interview about "China is already in a win-win situation in any case" dictates his understanding that the nation is endangered, which reveals his sense of urgency.

Various developments in Dharamsala also reveal the restive nature of the Tibetan population. The exile parliament, early this year, adopted a resolution to "review the Middle path policy if China does not begin meaningful dialogue with the exile government before March 2005". Opposed by people from various strata of Tibetan society and also owing to the upcoming visit by Dalai Lama's envoys to Tibet for dialogue with Beijing, the document was withdrawn on 11 September 2004, followed by a walkout by 14 deputies. This shows the division of opinion in Dharamsala. In such a scenario it is only the Dalai Lama who wields ultimate authority to temper Tibetan aspirations for independence and lend legitimacy to 'genuine autonomy' under Chinese rule. Any decision arrived at within his lifetime would save the world another conflict ridden issue.

China's preconditions give the impression that it is only 'biding time' to stonewall Dalai Lama's initiatives. With growing support to the Tibetan movement around the world, a major cause of embarrassment could be avoided by Beijing by displaying a benign posture and opening itself to negotiations. For India, an eye sore in its growing rapprochement with Beijing would be resolved once the Tibet issue is settled. The interview follows the third round of talks between Beijing and the Dalai Lama's envoys. Beijing has customarily rejected the leader's opinions in the interview and repeated its preconditions.