China’s “one country two systems” is facing considerable challenge in Hong Kong. The ongoing turmoil in Hong Kong and massive demonstrations demanding political reform has attracted worldwide media attention and raised Beijing’s hackles about foreign interference in its internal affairs.

Under the “One country two systems” formula, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) has the right to “exercise a high degree of autonomy and enjoy executive, legislative and independent judicial power”.  But, fearing suppression of their rights as guaranteed in the Basic Law, the people of Hong Kong have come out on the streets to demand political reform. The main demand of the pro-democracy groups is for direct elections to the post of Chief Executive in 2007 and members of the HKSAR Legislative Council in 2008. China has labeled all those who support this demand as unpatriotic. In April, the Chinese National People’s Congress had declared that no direct elections would be possible by 2008. The current Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Tung Chee-hwa, was hand picked by Beijing and the Hong Kong legislature is packed with pro-Beijing supporters.

China cannot make a success of the “one country two systems” formula if the territories under this formula are treated as tribute-paying states that can only interact with Beijing at the latter’s pleasure. The current set up in Hong Kong, headed by Tung Chee-hwa, is the modern variant of the Chinese imperial system wherein the Chinese emperor, cloistered in the Forbidden City in Beijing, set the rules for engagement with representatives of the Middle Kingdom’s tributary states.  For the “one country two systems” to work, there has to be a mutually accessible channel of communication that both sides can trust. Hong Kong’s Chief Executive should ideally play this role rather than be the conduit for commands from the centre to the periphery. For this, it is essential that both sides have equal access to his office and be able to trust him. Both these objectives can be achieved if Beijing agrees to hold direct elections for the post. An elected Chief Executive will enjoy the support of the people of Hong Kong, and also will be bound by the Basic Law that ensures that the territory remains an integral part of China.

China has responded to demands for dialogue on political reforms either by criticism or by making peace overtures like inviting pro-democracy leaders for the first PLA Day parade in Hong Kong held on 1 August 2004. Many prominent pro-democracy leaders rejected the invitation for the parade as “just a ceremony and not communication.”

Political sovereignty over territory cannot guarantee successful integration of Hong Kong or Taiwan with the mainland. Beijing must accept the differences between the political cultures of the mainland and these territories.  Despite the late blooming of democratic institutions in these territories, the people of Hong Kong and Taiwan have consistently maintained a separate political identity from that of the mainland. They do not see themselves as subject to the writ of the central authorities in Beijing in the same way as the mainlanders.  The Hong Kong media, with a greater freedom of speech and expression, is a case in point. Beijing’s ham-handed attempts in the past few months, to clamp down on Hong Kong’s media in the garb of promoting patriotism, have met with massive criticism both within the territory and internationally. This has also generated fears that Beijing does not intend to abide by the guarantees enshrined in its Basic Law that includes “freedom of speech, of the press and of publication; freedom of association, of assembly, of procession and of demonstration.”

Beijing’s refusal to discuss the demands for political democratization in HKSAR could lead to a crisis of political legitimacy, convincing the people of Hong Kong that the “one country two systems” formula cannot protect their rights. Given this reality, the pro-democracy groups might see democratization of the mainland as a prerequisite for guaranteeing their rights. Hong Kong has the potential of becoming the rallying ground for pro-democracy groups from the mainland. In denying the people of Hong Kong the rights guaranteed by central authority under the Basic Law, Beijing might actually be creating more problems for itself.

China promotes the “one country two systems” formula as the most attractive option under which Taiwan may choose to reunite with the mainland. Taiwan has been monitoring the developments in Hong Kong very closely to evaluate China’s commitment to the “one country two systems” formula, and Beijing has been found severely wanting. If Beijing continues to undermine the same formula in Hong Kong, it should come up with an alternative formula for Taiwan.