On 14 January 2004, Anthati Jangaiah, a hard core cadre of the PWG surrendered to the police in Nalgonda citing as reason the inability to implement the Naxal ideology. He, however, added that he continued to believe in the Naxal ideology of creating “a society based on equality”.  Did he, by saying so, intend to insure himself against threat to his life from his former party? The answer to this in either the positive or the negative is not of so much significance as is the statement itself. For, the concern for an answer to this would mean that one is limiting the thinking about naxals to a law and order problem only, whereas the solution to the Naxalite problem clearly calls for abandoning such an approach.

The law and order approach may also be said to be responsible for inculcating a laid back attitude among the security forces that are mostly caught unawares every time the Naxals launch an attack. The recent spurt of Naxal violence can be attributed to the absence of a well thought out comprehensive strategy to counter the movement. How else can one account for the survival of this movement even after long years have passed since the time the Indian state itself panicked at the then growing popularity and spread of the ideology following the March 1967 Naxalbari uprising? Military operations have, since, largely managed to contain the movement’s strength but have not been able to root it out.

Once again the State seems to have been alerted by the upswing of attacks. The months of January and February have witnessed a number of Naxal assaults. What is worrying is that there has been an expansion into areas that have so far remained outside its area of active operation in recent times. The Naxalite mode of operation has also indicated a high level coordination. Moreover, every attack seems to have been an act of declaring their commitment to the ideology, contrary to the belief among many quarters that the purpose is largely to loot weapons from the security forces.

Mindnapore district in West Bengal witnessed a landmine blast on 25 February which killed eight police personnel. That the attack has been described by the Chief Minister, Budhadev Bhattacharya as “the most devastating in recent times” only shows the unexpectedness of such an attack. Although the Naxal movement originated in the state, its area of active operation had largely shifted to the southern states, particularly Andhra Pradesh. However, the attacks have indicated that the network across the states has only been strengthened. Prior to the attack in Bengal, on 6 February, PWG had launched a successful strike on a district jail and a police station in Orissa before escaping with about 200 weapons. The element of surprise on the part of security forces was recorded on that occasion too. The other notable Naxal attack is the one on police stations in Andhra Pradesh on 9 February. The Bengal Chief Minister’s description of the Naxals as a “menace” following the Mindapore attack should, however, be a moment to seriously reflect on the immediate need to plan a common strategy across all the Naxal-affected states and beyond.

The ultra-leftist ideology based on a “creative application of Marxism-Leninism-MaoTsetung thought to Indian conditions” and its denunciation of parliamentary institutions may have nothing of appeal to the mainstream national psyche. That such ideas are no longer attractive is also evident in the decline in new recruitments. Above all, no one would say that the Naxals firmly believe in the overthrow of the Indian state and the annihilation of the “class enemies”. However, interpreting the new attacks as signs of frustration in the movement cannot be of any help in the search for an effective planning towards a solution, because the structural inequalities that the movement seeks to abolish are still present aplenty in the Indian society. The point is: it is not the State or the Parliament but the inequalities that can be removed.

Some recent moves of the central and state governments may be analysed in the light of the latest strategic moves by the Naxalite movement as a whole. Whereas outfits like the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and CPM (Liberation)-Peoples War envisage the creation of a “Compact Revolutionary Zone” and seek to establish international networks with Maoist movements in other countries, the government of Andhra Pradesh went for a long term deployment of central paramilitary forces. The Naxals have in turn threatened retaliation in the event of crackdowns.  It may be pointed out that the writ of the Naxals has been effective enough to enforce quitting of parties by members. One should welcome the Planning Commission proposal for “Backward districts initiative” that would include 53 Naxal affected districts in nine states. The need to deal the Naxal movement on the plane of governance shall have to be taken most seriously by the central as well as state governments.  The futility of the path of violence is best argued by infusing hope of a better future. Definitely not through the greeting cards that were sent to Naxals in Andhra Pradesh!