Home Contact Us
Search :
   

India & the World - Articles

Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
#174, 9 March 1999
 
Recent Trends in Indo-US Relations
Arvind Kumar
National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore
 

The need to improve Indo-US relations was felt immediately after the nuclear tests conducted by India last summer. There have been eight rounds of  talks between India and the US since then.

 

 

The crux of the debate is where do the Indo-US talks stand now? Is India a good negotiator? The general feeling in India after the tests was that it would be in a better position to negotiate on a number of important themes, and the that United States would consider India ’s concerns seriously. But, this particular feeling is diminishing day by day domestically.

 

 

The main goal of the Clinton administration is to prevent an escalation of nuclear and missile competition in the subcontinent, strengthen the global non-proliferation regime and promote a dialogue between India and Pakistan   for improving their relations.

 

 

The United States expects India to initiate the following steps to reduce tensions on the subcontinent: It must sign and ratify the CTBT, declare a unilateral moratorium on the production of fissile materials, place restraints on its nuclear and missile capabilities, tighten its export controls and bring them up to international standards and it talk to Pakistan on the major issues of disagreement between them, including Kashmir.

 

 

India responded by saying that the ongoing talks with the United States are based on the premise that India will define its own nuclear requirements. With regard to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), India is moving closer to signing it; it is hoped that India may sign before September 1999. This development can be attributed to the outcome of the Indo-US dialogue. Ironically, the US signed the CTBT in September 1996 but has not ratified it until now.

 

 

India rejected the demand made by the US to declare a moratorium on the production of fissile material. But, it is keen to participate in the negotiations on the Fissile Materials Cut off Treaty (FMCT). The FMCT aims to end the future production of nuclear materials for military purposes or other nuclear explosive devices. It is absurd to ask any country to declare a unilateral moratorium on the production of fissile material. Approximately, 36,000 nuclear warheads are held by the five nuclear-weapon states recognized by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. They imperil the world but no credible move has been made to eliminate nuclear weapons to which they are pledged.

 

 

On export controls, both countries have similar approach. As a resposible state possessing nuclear weapons, it is India 's duty to prevent the spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), and coordinate its existing policies and regimes with the international standards.

 

 

On the India-Pakistan dialogue, India had made clear that these are bilateral issues and should not affect the Indo-US dialogue. The latest bus diplomacy certainly shows that both countries are willing to sort out their existing irritants including Kashmir . The main point is that both countries need to sustain a positive atmosphere. The problems between the two countries are too complex to be solved overnight. The ‘Bus Diplomacy’ has provided a new impetus to start a fresh dialogue.

 

 

Apparently, an influential group of US policy analysts are urging President Clinton to consider conventional arms sales, joint military development and other high technology transfers to India and Pakistan as a way to re-establish US influence in the region. It is generally believed however that US arms exports cannot ease tensions between the two South Asian rivals.

 

 

The ongoing Indo-US talks are only the latest in a long series of endeavours over the decades to reach a strategic understanding, so that the rigours of hightech curbs against India are eased. Will it be easy to open up the US high-technology market to Indian imports? India needs to put across its case in a well articulated fashion in the forthcoming Indo-US talks. The question also being raised is: does the US really desire a deep engagement with India . If so, then the initiative should come from the US , and it should license some special exports of advanced technology. Without offering tangible technology incentives, the US cannot hope to change Indian attitudes or build a strategic relationship with India . There are a number of instances where the US government has moderated its national laws to suit its strategic objectives. The need of the hour is to enhance strategic and nuclear co-operation between the two countries for mutual benefit. A pragmatic approach should be adopted by the US . Mutual trust and confidence between the two countries is required; both countries need to find out areas of common interest.

 

 

 

 

 

Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
IPCS Columnists
Af-Pak Diary

D Suba Chandran
Across the Durand Line: Who is in Control Now? Will That Change?
Taliban Talks and the Four Horsemen: Between Peace and Apocalypse
Pakistan: Talks about Talks with the Taliban, Again
Dateline Islamabad

Salma Malik
Pakistan and TTP: Dialogue or Military Action?
The Musharraf Trial & Beyond

Dateline Kabul

Mariam Safi
Afghanistan, US and the Peace Process: A Deal with the Taliban in 2014?
Dhaka Discourse

Prof Delwar Hossain
Bangladesh: Domestic Politics and External Actors
Bangladesh Post Elections 2014: Redefining Domestic Politics?

Eagle Eye

Prof Chintamani Mahapatra
US in Asia: A 'Non-Alignment' Strategy?
Indo-US Strategic Partnership Post Khobragade: The Long Shadow
East Asia Compass

Dr Sandip Mishra
North Korean Peace Gestures and Inter-Korea Relations
Japan: Implications of Indiscriminate Assertiveness
China, Japan, Korea and the US: Region at Crossroads

Himalayan Frontier

Pramod Jaiswal
Chinese Inroads to Nepal
Constituent Assembly-II: Rifts Emerging
Nepal: The Crisis over Proportional Representation and the RPP Divide
Maritime Matters

Vijay Sakhuja
Increasing Maritime Competition: IORA, IONS, Milan and the Indian Ocean Networks
China in the Indian Ocean: Deep Sea Forays
Iran Navy: Developing Long Sea Legs

Middle Kingdom

DS Rajan
China in the Indian Ocean: Competing Priorities
China-Japan Friction: How can India Respond?
Nuke Street

Amb Sheelkant Sharma
Nuclear Security Summit 2014 and the NTI Index
Nuclear Power: An Annual Report Card

Red Affairs

Bibhu Prasad
Maoists in the Northeast: Reality and Myth-Making
Surrender of Gudsa Usendi: Ominous beginning for the Naxals?
South Asian Dialectic

PR Chari
Federalism: Centre as Coordinator and Adjudicator
Limits of Federalism

Spotlight West Asia

Amb Ranjit Gupta
Saudi Arabia-US Estrangement: Implications for the Indian Subcontinent
Syria Today: Is Regime Change the Answer?
The Arab World: Trying Times Ahead
Strategic Space

Manpreet Sethi
US, China and the South Asian Nuclear Construct
Responding to Pakistan’s Tactical Nuclear Weapons: A Strategy for India

The Strategist

Vice Admiral Vijay Shankar
Strategic Non-Nuclear Weapons: An Essential Consort to a Doctrine of No First Use
 

OTHER REGULAR contributors
Gurmeet Kanwal
Harun ur Rashid
N Manoharan
Wasbir Hussain
Rana Banerji
N Manoharan

Ruhee Neog
Teshu Singh
Aparupa Bhattacherjee
Roomana Hukil
Aparupa Bhattacherjee


 

Browse by Publications

Commentaries 
Issue Briefs 
Special Reports 
Research Papers 
Seminar Reports 
Conference Reports 

Browse by Region/Countries

East Asia 
South Asia 
Southeast Asia 
US & South Asia 
China 
Myanmar 
Afghanistan 
Iran 
Pakistan 
India 
J&K  

Browse by Issues

India & the world  
Indo-Pak 
Military 
Terrorism 
Naxalite Violence 
Nuclear 
Suicide Terrorism 
Peace & Conflict Database 
Article by same Author
Indo-US Civilian Nuclear Cooperation: Myth or Reality

Indo-US Relations in the New Millenium

Kargil Crisis: A Sad Saga

ADD TO:
Blink
Del.icio.us
Digg
Furl
Google
Simpy
Spurl
Y! MyWeb
Facebook
 
Print Bookmark Email Facebook Subscribe
Year 2014
 January  February  March  April  May  June  July  August
 2013  2012  2011  2010  2009  2008  2007  2006
 2005  2004  2003  2002  2001  2000  1999  1998
 1997
 
 

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

 
Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map | IPCS Email
B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029, INDIA.
Tel: 91-11-4100 1900, 4165 2556, 4165 2557, 4165 2558, 4165 2559 Fax: (91-11) 41652560
Email:
© Copyright 2014, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
        Web Design by http://www.indiainternets.com