Home Contact Us
Search :
   
India & the world - Articles
Print Bookmark Email Post Comment
#2359, 21 August 2007
India, China and the Prospects of Asian Economic Community
Bhartendu Kumar Singh
Indian Defence Accounts Service
e-mail: bhartendukumarsingh@gmail.com

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh first envisioned an Asian Economic Community (AEC) stretching from the Himalayas to the Pacific and constituting an 'arc of advantage'. The same idea has now been articulated by the External Affairs Minister, Pranab Mukherji in the Manila meeting of the foreign ministers during the East Asian Summit (EAS). Most of the community building exercises in Asia have come through ASEAN's initiatives; hence the AEC's prospects depend on the coming together of the two major stakeholders, India and China.

Together, the two countries account for three-fourths of the population of Asia and share between them 63 percent of the region's GDP in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP). They are two of the fastest growing economies in the region with a reasonable record on poverty alleviation. The two are also linked to the other Asian countries through a web of relations. The proposed AEC can become a reality only when the people in these two countries enjoy relative prosperity.

While India has been marketing the AEC in several gatherings, China sees itself as the nucleus of these initiatives. It has been hosting the annual Boao Forum for Asia since 2002 to gain a leadership position. When India proposed a pan-Asia Free Trade Area (FTA) to facilitate large scale movement of people, capital, ideas and innovations and to enhance a communitarian approach in the continent, China was busy engaging many of its neighbours through skillfully negotiated FTAs. These can be seen as indicators of both the countries' support for the proposed AEC.

The enthusiasm about AEC apart, many believe it to be a distant and a difficult milestone. Most analyses foresee success between 2015 and 2020. Partly, this is because Asia displays different levels of development, differences in political culture, ethnic composition and huge asymmetries in geographical size and population. Infrastructural development and linkages across the region are woefully low, and so is the level of intra-regional trade, as compared to the European Union and the NAFTA.

However, the fundamental reason for delay is the lack of enough trade linkages between India and China. Bilateral trade is very low in comparison to China's trade with other countries. The prospects of a Sino-Indian FTA are bleak in the near future. Sub-regional cooperation's, in particular the Kunming initiative, have been a non-starter. The two countries, despite an improvement in their political relations, have been competing for resources in different parts of Asia and Africa.

Recognizing the importance of regional integration in the emerging international economic order, the two countries agreed to expand cooperation within regional organizations and to explore closer regional cooperation in Asia during President Hu Jintao's visit to New Delhi in November 2006. Both have supported each other's participation in the Asian inter-regional, regional and sub-regional cooperation processes, including progress towards the setting up of the East Asian community. It is pragmatism that has brought the two countries into joining regional gatherings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).

However, if India and China are serious about the AEC, they must be more forthcoming. It is surprising that the 2.5 billion populations of the two countries do not have proper communication links to facilitate swift movement of people, goods, ideas and innovations. While commuting throughout Europe is becoming increasingly hassle free, a Mumbai-Shanghai super fast train remains an elusive dream. Even the Stillwell Road connecting India's northeast to China's Yunnan Province has not been opened; let alone the old silk route. If properly linked and optimized, border trade is bound to reach new heights and promote development in the border regions.

Community building exercises involve overcoming developmental disparities, political and cultural differences and require huge political and economic assistance. All futuristic analyses indicate that India and China will be the lead political, economic and military players in Asia and, therefore, the onus for driving the continent towards the AEC rests on them. Sino-Indian economic integration will have a spillover effect and help an early integration of Asia.

For much of the Cold War period and thereafter, Sino-Indian relations contained elements of competition and rivalry. The AEC has presented India and China with an opportunity to act as 'bridges' and 'linkages' to forge Asian unity. The two countries can make a beginning by investing in several sub-regional cooperation ventures beneficial to both of them, and work towards a mutually beneficial FTA in the long term. In this light, the proposed AEC promises to ensure the 'greatest happiness of the greatest number'.

Note: The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Government.

 
Article by same Author
Chinese Military 'Website' : Possible Interpretations
China's 'Stride 2009' and India
Beyond the Chinese fantasy: Will India Disintegrate?
Negotiating with China
Taking China Seriously
Clamour over the Henderson Brooks Report: Missing the Wood for the Trees?
Does China Matter? Elections and Foreign Policy Issues in India
China and the Politics of UN Peacekeeping
Has India's Military Diplomacy Come of Age?
China, India and the Red Star over Nepal
China, India and the Tibet Crisis
China's Emergence as India's Largest Trade Partner
The Indian Prime Minister's Visit to China
The Kunming Joint Military Exercises and Sino-Indian Relations
Whither China's Democratic Transition?
Ideology, Foreign Policy and the Rhetoric of Anti-Americanism
Bullets vs. Ballots: Foreign Policy Decision-Making in China and India
Beyond the Nuclear Deal: India, China and the Asian Balance of Power
Military Diplomacy and Sino-Indian Relations
SAARC Expansion and China
Hu's Visit to Russia and Sino-Russian Relations
Interpreting China's Defence Budget
Hu's Visit to Africa and Implications for India
Whither China's defence?
China, India and the Race for Soft Power
Hu's Visit: A Post-script
India, China and Asian Security
China Comes Closer
Hu Jintao's visit to America: Why did it fail?
India: Budgeting for Defence
Reorienting defence expenditure
China: Great Power, Grand Projects
India, China & the Politics of Regionalism
Will China become a democracy?
Consolidating India's Military-Industrial complex
China's Military Modernization & India's Preparedness
Sino-Indian relations: Economy over Politics?
Estimating China's defence expenditure
Debating Defence Expenditure
China: Democracy, Development and International Relations
China's Japan Challenge
George Fernandes and Sino-Indian Relations
Asia after Iraq
Chinese Perspectives on the Kashmir Dispute
Fearing a Chinese nuclear attack in Arunachal Pradesh
Why is China so Ambiguous?
Agni-II: A watered down response from China
Religious Organisations in Tibet: A Profile
Musharraf's Visit to China
Chinese Views on the Kargil Conflict
Sino-Indian Ties: The 11th Round of Joint Working Group Meeting
Li Peng's Visit to Pakistan: An Analysis
China - Pakistan Relations : Post Chagai

 
ADD TO:
Blink
Del.icio.us
Digg
Furl
Google
Simpy
Spurl
Y! MyWeb
 
View comment(0)
POST Your Comment
No comment for this article
 
Print Bookmark Email
 
 

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS) is the premier South Asian think tank which conducts independent research on and provides an in depth analysis of conventional and non-conventional issues related to national and South Asian security including nuclear issues, disarmament, non-proliferation, weapons of mass destruction, the war on terrorism, counter terrorism , strategies security sector reforms, and armed conflict and peace processes in the region.

For those in South Asia and elsewhere, the IPCS website provides a comprehensive analysis of the happenings within India with a special focus on Jammu and Kashmir and Naxalite Violence. Our research promotes greater understanding of India's foreign policy especially India-China relations, India's relations with SAARC countries and South East Asia.

Through close interaction with leading strategic thinkers, former members of the Indian Administrative Service, the Foreign Service and the three wings of the Armed Forces - the Indian Army, Indian Navy, and Indian Air Force, - the academic community as well as the media, the IPCS has contributed considerably to the strategic discourse in India.

 
Subscribe to Newswire | Site Map
B 7/3 Lower Ground Floor, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110029, INDIA.
Tel: 91-11-4100 1900, 4165 2556, 4165 2557, 4165 2558, 4165 2559 Fax: (91-11) 41652560
Email:
© Copyright 2010, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.
            Web Design : India Internet